Possible immigration rift for Obama with Democrats

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Barack Obama is facing potential rifts with members of his own party in tough re-election contests as he barrels toward a fall fight with Republicans over his ability to change immigration policies.

If Obama takes the broadest action under consideration — removing the threat of deportation for millions of people in this country illegally — the short-term risks appear greatest for Senate Democrats in conservative-leaning states. Weeks before the November vote, they could find themselves on the hot seat for their views not only on immigration but also on Obama’s use of his presidential powers.

Wary of what could be coming, some of those lawmakers have said Obama should act with caution.

“This is an issue that I believe should be addressed legislatively and not through executive order,” said Sen. Kay Hagan, D-N.C., one of the top targets for Republicans trying to retake control of the Senate.

Sen. Mark Pryor, D-Ark., another vulnerable incumbent, said in a statement that he also is “frustrated with the partisanship in Washington. But that doesn’t give the president carte blanche authority to sidestep Congress when he doesn’t get his way.”

Such statements have immigration advocates on edge.

A coalition of advocacy groups, in a letter to congressional Democrats on Friday, said immigrant families should not have to wait until after the November elections for relief. The organizations said any attempts by Democrats to delay or dilute administrative changes “will be viewed as a betrayal of Latino and immigrant communities with serious and lasting consequences.”

The letter was released because of advocates’ concerns that leading Senate Democrats may be shifting their positions because of political considerations after previously urging Obama to act.

A spokesman for Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., declined to say Friday whether Schumer still believes Obama should act by October, as Schumer had said before. A spokesman for Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, the second-ranking Democrat, said the timing of executive action on immigration was up to Obama. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid’s spokesman had no comment on timing.

Still, Obama looks determined to move forward on his own despite the political risks for Democrats.

He is irritated by House Republicans’ inaction on immigration legislation passed last year by the Senate. The crisis over unaccompanied minors arriving in South Texas does not appear to have deterred him, and the slowdown of arrivals at the border may be shifting the issue away from the spotlight anyway.

The exact contours of Obama’s plans remain unclear.

Advocates and lawmakers who have talked with administration officials anticipate that he could expand a program that granted work permits and deferred deportation to more than 700,000 immigrants brought illegally to the U.S. as kids. It could be extended to include parents of those children, as well as parents of U.S. citizens, or potentially others — groups that could add up to perhaps 5 million people.

During a news conference this month, Obama was not specific on his immigration plans. He did say that in the absence of congressional action and in order to address the crisis involving unaccompanied youths, he had to shift resources on his own and exercise prosecutorial discretion.

“I promise you the American people don’t want me just standing around twiddling my thumbs and waiting for Congress to get something done,” Obama said.

Some GOP leaders worry that opposition to a comprehensive overhaul will harm their party in the 2016 presidential race, where Latino turnout is higher than in midterm elections. Hispanics are a fast-growing sector of the presidential electorate and backed Obama overwhelmingly in 2012.

But Republicans also see a nearer-term chance to translate Obama’s potential executive actions into electoral success in November. Republicans need to win a net of six seats in order to take control of the Senate for the remainder of Obama’s term. The GOP already is all but assured of maintaining control of the House.

As Republicans meet with voters in their districts during the summer break, lawmakers have raised alarms about the scope of Obama’s potential plans. In some cases, they are hearing clamors for impeachment in return.

“It is up to Congress to actually go back and restrain this guy,” one voter told GOP Rep. Andy Harris of Maryland at a town hall meeting on the Eastern Shore. Harris had warned that Obama could expand an existing deportation relief program to 4 million or 5 million more people, “competing with Americans for work.”

Republicans have tagged Obama as an “imperial president” who goes around Congress rather than working with lawmakers, and House Republicans have moved to sue him over it. The prospect of the president making a unilateral move on a contentious issue such as immigration has Republican consultants salivating.

“President Obama’s executive amnesty would inject adrenaline into an electorate already eager to send him a message of disapproval,” said Brad Dayspring, communications director for the National Republican Senatorial Committee.

Also problematic for Obama: His apparent plans to act on his own authority come after years of saying that he did not have the legal justification to proceed without Congress.

“If, in fact, I could solve all these problems without passing them through Congress, I would do so. But we’re also a nation of laws,” he said in November. A heckler had interrupted a speech he was giving in San Francisco, prodding him to halt deportations, which have reached record highs on Obama’s watch.

Since then the White House has apparently concluded otherwise.

Democratic pollsters argue that any executive action by Obama could give a political boost to Democrats, not just from newly energized Latino voters but from an electorate at large that would welcome any action from gridlocked Washington.

“Voters are so sick of the do-nothing Congress they don’t mind if there’s an imperial president,” said Democratic pollster Celinda Lake. “They would just like someone to get something done about something.”

___

Pace reported from Edgartown, Massachusetts. Follow Pace at http://twitter.com/jpaceDC and Werner at http://twitter.com/ericawerner

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US immigration judge sues over recusal from cases

LOS ANGELES (AP) — An immigration judge has sued the U.S. Justice Department, alleging that an order recusing her from hearing the cases of Iranian immigrants because of her involvement in the Iranian-American community is discriminatory.

Immigration Judge A. Ashley Tabaddor in Los Angeles filed the lawsuit Tuesday in federal court, claiming she was targeted in the 2012 recusal order after she attended the Roundtable with Iranian-American Community Leaders organized by the White House Office of Public Engagement.

Other immigration judges who were active in their religious and ethnic communities had not been subject to a blanket recusal order when Tabaddor, who was born in Iran and participated in dozens of public speaking engagements, was recused, the lawsuit said.

“Unless the agency is prevented from having unbridled power to issue recusal orders against immigration judges, based on their race, national origin, religion or perceived interests, the effect is that immigration judges will be improperly manipulated and intimidated by Justice Department officials, and their decisional independence will be severely threatened,” the suit said.

Kathryn Mattingly, a spokeswoman for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, which oversees the immigration courts, declined to comment on pending litigation or personnel matters. A message left at the Justice Department was not immediately returned.

Tabaddor, a former federal prosecutor, wants the order reversed and to be assigned cases randomly, as is done with other immigration judges. Since the order was issued, she has recused herself from eight cases. Officials did not accuse Tabaddor of bias but issued the order to avoid an appearance of impropriety, the lawsuit said.

Later in 2012, the office sought to recuse an Armenian-American immigration judge from cases involving Armenians if she attended a meeting with the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia, the lawsuit said.

“The whole theory of judges is to be blind,” said Ali Mojdehi, Tabaddor’s lawyer. “You are supposed to be calling balls and strikes without being partial toward who is in front of you, and this sort of order upends that notion that our system is based on.”

Immigration judges are encouraged to engage in civic life and the recusal order violates their right to participate in speaking and educational activities on their own time, the National Association of Immigration Judges said in a statement.

While the government once sought to appoint judges who reflected the country’s racial and ethnic diversity, the order deters those same judges from participating in their communities, the association said.

Immigration Judge Dana Leigh Marks, the association’s president, said she is not aware of orders affecting other judges but was concerned the practice could spread.

“We believe it is ill-advised, if not outright illegal,” she said.

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Immigration judge sues over recusal from cases

LOS ANGELES (AP) — An immigration judge has sued the Justice Department, alleging that an order recusing her from hearing the cases of Iranian immigrants because of her involvement in the Iranian-American community is discriminatory.

Immigration Judge A. Ashley Tabaddor in Los Angeles filed the lawsuit Tuesday in federal court, claiming she was targeted in the 2012 recusal order after she attended the Roundtable with Iranian-American Community Leaders organized by the White House Office of Public Engagement.

Other immigration judges who were active in their religious and ethnic communities had not been subject to a blanket recusal order when Tabaddor, who was born in Iran and participated in dozens of public speaking engagements, was recused, the lawsuit said.

“Unless the agency is prevented from having unbridled power to issue recusal orders against immigration judges, based on their race, national origin, religion or perceived interests, the effect is that immigration judges will be improperly manipulated and intimidated by Justice Department officials, and their decisional independence will be severely threatened,” the suit said.

Kathryn Mattingly, a spokeswoman for the Executive Office for Immigration Review, which oversees the immigration courts, declined to comment on pending litigation or personnel matters. A message left at the Justice Department was not immediately returned.

Tabaddor, a former federal prosecutor, wants the order reversed and to be assigned cases randomly, as is done with other immigration judges. Since the order was issued, she has recused herself from eight cases. Officials did not accuse Tabaddor of bias but issued the order to avoid an appearance of impropriety, the lawsuit said.

Later in 2012, the office sought to recuse an Armenian-American immigration judge from cases involving Armenians if she attended a meeting with the U.S. Ambassador to Armenia, the lawsuit said.

“The whole theory of judges is to be blind,” said Ali Mojdehi, Tabaddor’s lawyer. “You are supposed to be calling balls and strikes without being partial toward who is in front of you, and this sort of order upends that notion that our system is based on.”

Immigration judges are encouraged to engage in civic life and the recusal order violates their right to participate in speaking and educational activities on their own time, the National Association of Immigration Judges said in a statement.

While the government once sought to appoint judges who reflected the country’s racial and ethnic diversity, the order deters those same judges from participating in their communities, the association said.

Immigration Judge Dana Leigh Marks, the association’s president, said she is not aware of orders affecting other judges but was concerned the practice could spread.

“We believe it is ill-advised, if not outright illegal,” she said.

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Immigration judge recused from Iranian cases sues

LOS ANGELES (AP) — An immigration judge has sued the Justice Department alleging she was recused from hearing cases involving Iranians because of her involvement in the Iranian-American community.

Immigration Judge A. Ashley Tabaddor filed the suit in federal court in Los Angeles on Tuesday.

Tabaddor claims she was ordered recused from hearing cases involving Iranian immigrants in 2012 after she attended the White House Office of Public Engagement’s Roundtable with Iranian-American Community Leaders.

The lawsuit says other immigration judges who have been active in their religious and ethnic communities had not been subject to blanket recusal orders.

The Los Angeles immigration judge wants the order reversed and to be assigned cases randomly, like other judges.

Messages seeking comment were left for the Executive Office for Immigration Review and Justice Department.

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In Colorado, Immigration Reform May Decide Close Race

Rep. Mike Coffman, R-Colo., was one of only 11 Republicans to vote against a measure earlier this month rolling back President Obama’s 2012 executive action to give qualified young undocumented immigrants legal status in the United States.

The reason why was pretty simple: Coffman’s race for re-election in Colorado’s 6th Congressional District – arguably the most competitive House contest in the country – could very well come down to the Latino vote and the issue of immigration.

The district is among the more diverse in the nation. One in five residents here is Latino. And students in the local schools come from more than 130 different countries.

And it’s all the more remarkable because Coffman has opposed comprehensive immigration reform, and had previously voted stop Obama’s Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, or DACA, executive action.

Coffman’s challenger, Andrew Romanoff, has called out Coffman’s reversal.

“We’re glad to see Congressman Coffman follow Andrew Romanoff’s lead,” Romanoff communications director Denise Baron wrote in a statement issued to reporters. “It’s a shame that it took a strong opponent and a tough election to get the congressman to reverse his votes for the moment and suspend his attack on DACA.”

It is clear that Coffman is too conservative for this [new] district.

Also among the 11 Republicans who voted against the bill was Cory Gardner, R-Colo., who is vying to unseat Sen. Mark Udall, D-Colo., this fall, and who up until recently wasn’t exactly known for his support of comprehensive immigration reform, either.

“He is trying to moderate his positions”

Given the district’s Latino makeup, Team Coffman is working hard to level the playing field.

Every night, the three-term lawmaker now clears 15 minutes out of his schedule to call his Spanish tutor. On Sundays, the two sit down for an extended two-hour drill session.

Giving interviews to Latino newspapers in Spanish and scoring A’s for effort in reaching out to Hispanic community leaders in their native language is part of Coffman’s re-election campaign playbook.

Up until the decennial redistricting, effective in 2012, Colorado’s Sixth District was staunchly conservative – and so were its congressmen.

Now the district is close by design, said Kenneth Bickers, a political scientist at the University of Colorado Boulder. “The courts stripped lots of Republican voters and moved a lot of Hispanic households into the district.” The result was an electorate almost evenly divided along party lines and unaffiliated voters.

Pre-redistricting, Coffman went on the record rigorously opposing a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants. But after 2014, he has reversed his position and supported legislation to offer conditional legal status to children who were brought to the country illegally if they serve in the military.

Then came last Friday’s vote to uphold DACA.

“It is clear that Coffman is too conservative for this [new] district,” said Peter Hanson, a political scientist at the University of Denver. “He is trying to moderate his positions.”

Shaking off the past

Coffman’s staff works overtime to offset the effects of the immigration reform debate with its preferred talking points.

“Whether through his 21 years of service in the Army and Marine Corps, including both Iraq wars, or his uncovering of the VA cover-up of falsified waiting lists for veterans across the country, Mike lives by the motto of ‘Work hard, find solutions’,” Tyler Sandberg, Coffman’s campaign manager, wrote in an email.

The plan could work. “In a district with a lot of veteran families, that issue plays for [Coffman] as much as immigration plays against him,” the University of Colorado’s Bickers said.

Republican strategists believe the incumbent is in a much better position in 2014 than he was two years ago when President Obama turned out large numbers of minority voters. In 2012, Coffman barely won re-election, 48 percent to 46 percent.

Coffman supporters also put their hopes on an immigration episode from Romanoff’s tenure as state House speaker.

In 2006, Romanoff led a special House session trying to broker a deal with immigration hardliners from across Colorado, a group that included Mike Coffman, who was the state treasurer at the time. A ballot initiative had threatened to strip state benefits from illegal immigrants. The compromise kept the measure off the ballot, but certain public services were consequently denied to undocumented immigrants, excluding children, public health and safety. Many Latino leaders in Colorado were upset.

“One thing I have said in 2006 and in every year since then is that no amount of state action can substitute for federal reform,” Romanoff told NBC News. He acknowledged the compromise “wasn’t perfect, but it was a proposal better than the initiative Congressman Coffman and his allies were pushing.”

Preparation for 2016?

Thus far, both candidates bolstered their campaign war chests with roughly $3.3 million in contributions. The contest is expected to be a magnet for outside money, and campaign officials from both parties say the price tag for the race could be $20 million and more.

Some observers already dub the too-close-to-call match-up a test run for the 2016 presidential race. Colorado’s 6th district, they argue, is magnifying national demographics and electoral structures.

Which might require more and more candidates to brush up on their Spanish.



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House Republicans have an immigration plan

Less than two weeks ago, the U.S. House approved legislation to address the wave of unchecked, illegal immigration at our southern border.

This legislation, which I supported, authorizes the use of National Guard troops to assist in border enforcement, facilitates the repatriation of young people who cross the border illegally, and does so in contrast to the $3.7 billion immigration spending spree proposed by President Barack Obama without adding to the burden on U.S. taxpayers.

The legislation also would restore the rule of law to our immigration policy, explicitly denying the president the authority to unilaterally grant amnesty to those in the U.S. illegally.

Unfortunately, the common sense plan adopted by the House cannot become the law of the land until it is concurred in by the U.S. Senate. And a day before the House vote, the Senate having failed to adopt a plan to address the border crisis recessed for the rest of the summer. This turn of events would be dismaying were it not so utterly predictable.

Consider the key elements of the House proposal:

■ It provides $694 million for additional border security and immigration enforcement. We simply cannot survive as a sovereign nation if we exercise little or no control over entry at our borders.

Middle- and working-class Americans cannot survive and thrive in a labor marketplace skewed by unskilled, low-wage workers who are here illegally. And our taxpayers cannot bear the burden of providing services education, health and welfare to millions of illegals.

Spending in the House proposal is offset in its entirety by reductions in foreign aid (an approach I suggested weeks ago to demonstrate to Central American countries turning a blind eye to immigration enforcement that they should not be rewarded for complicity in the exploitation of their own children).

■ The House bill also provides for an expedited process for the repatriation of unaccompanied children who cross into the United States illegally.

Under the Obama administrations current interpretation of a 2009 law targeting human traffickers, it can take years to determine if these children and adolescents are eligible for asylum. This approach has clearly failed to curb trafficking, and has been used as a way to avoid deportation by drug smugglers and gang members.

The more humane way to address the needs of these children would be to facilitate immediate reunification with their families in their home countries.

■ Finally, the House legislation would restore Congress to its proper constitutional role as the branch of government responsible for establishing immigration law.

But President Obama, having failed to convince Congress to reform the law in a manner to his liking, has asserted the authority to decide on his own which immigration statutes will be enforced.

The House plan is the kind of immigration policy our citizens have long supported. The current border crisis has confirmed they were right. Its time for the Senate to listen.


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Two Ways President Obama Could Act On Immigration

Immigration advocates from Fort Lauderdale, Florida demonstrate outside the White House in April 2014.i
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Immigration advocates from Fort Lauderdale, Florida demonstrate outside the White House in April 2014.

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Immigration advocates from Fort Lauderdale, Florida demonstrate outside the White House in April 2014.

Immigration advocates from Fort Lauderdale, Florida demonstrate outside the White House in April 2014.

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Sometime before the end of summer, President Obama is expected to take executive action to address the nation’s broken immigration system.

The president’s decision has in some ways been years in the making. It is built on his own action two years ago to defer deportation for so-called Dreamers — young people brought to the country illegally as children. And it is built on congressional failure to pass a sweeping immigration overhaul, a DREAM act or even an emergency funding measure to deal with all the unaccompanied children arriving at the border.

At a press conference last week, Obama sounded ready to act on his own.

“I promise you the American people don’t want me just standing around twiddling my thumbs and waiting for Congress to get something done,” he said.

The Department of Homeland Security Secretary is currently preparing a menu of options to present to the president as advocates and critics position themselves to respond. Here are two actions legal experts and advocates say the president could take:

Deferred Action Beyond The Dreamers

The president could direct the Department of Homeland Security to expand on the program for Dreamers, giving other groups of people a temporary reprieve from deportation and even issuing them work permits. A group of former government immigration attorneys described it in a 2011 memo.

“The executive branch, through the Secretary of Homeland Security, can exercise discretion not to prosecute a case by granting ‘deferred action’ to an otherwise removable (colloquially referred
to as ‘deportable’) immigrant. …

“Deferred action does not confer any specific status on the individual and can be terminated at any time pursuant to the agency’s discretion. DHS regulations, however, do permit deferred action recipients to be granted employment authorization.

“Deferred action determinations are made on a case-by-case basis, but eligibility for such discretionary relief can be extended to individuals based on their membership in a discrete class. For example, in June 2009, the Secretary of DHS granted deferred action to individuals who fell in to the following class: widows of U.S. citizens who were unable to adjust their status due to a
statutory restriction (related to duration of marriage at time of sponsor’s death).”

This is the authority the Obama administration used in 2013 to created the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program for the Dreamers. Some 600,000 people have taken advantage of that program so far.

Congressman Luis Gutierrez, D-Ill., says he thinks the president will expand on the program, with the goal of keeping families together. That would mean giving temporary status to the undocumented parents of children born in the U.S.

“I think he says to himself, there are nearly five million American citizen children who have one or both parents that are undocumented,” says Gutierrez. “You know what, I am going to let those parents raise those kids.”

Parole In Place

Here’s how it was described in leaked memo from staff at the United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS) to its director, Alejandro Mayorkas:

“Granting parole to aliens in the US who have not been admitted or paroled is commonly referred to as ‘parole in place’ (PIP). By granting PIP, USCIS can eliminate the need for qualified recipients to return to their home country for consular processing, particularly when doing so might trigger a bar to returning.”

This could be used to give relief to the spouses of American citizens who currently would have to leave the country for up to a decade before being allowed to re-enter the U.S. legally.

That’s actually an idea Rep. Raul Labrador, R-Idaho, suggested in talks earlier this year. Labrador was an immigration attorney for 15 years.

“They are all ideas that we can go through the legislative process and get done and some of them might be good ideas,” says Labrador.

In these cases, President Obama would be calling on immigration authorities to use prosecutorial discretion. Labrador argues that has to be done on a case-by-case basis and not broadly, for whole categories of people.

Even if President Obama does have the authority to go it alone on immigration, Labrador argues it would be a mistake. He says it would make relations even worse with the GOP-controlled House of Representatives, which has already voted to sue the president over the use of executive authority.

“He’s going to poison the well,” says Labrador. “He’s going to make it impossible for us to do immigration reform with him and the most unfortunate thing is it’s not going to be a permanent fix. It’s going to be a fix that only lasts until the end of his term.”

It’s true: Anything the president does through executive authority could easily be reversed by the next president. That’s one reason Obama had been reluctant to go this route.

But when it comes to the legal question, President Obama has a lot of legal precedent on his side, says Paul Virtue, a partner at the law firm Mayer Brown and a former U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service general counsel.

“The actions that I’ve heard being discussed are consistent with the court cases and the decisions on prosecutorial discretion,” says Virtue.

He says the real question isn’t one of legal authority, but rather policy and politics.

“The issue is much more fraught politically than it is legally,” says Doris Meissner, a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute and former commissioner of the INS.

She says there are some limits on executive action.

“The president cannot give people green cards,” says Meissner. “The president cannot give people citizenship. But as to temporary programs that protect people from deportation, those are the issues that are in play.”

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GOP ignores own immigration advice

Washington (CNN) — Republicans already are steaming about President Barack Obama’s expected executive action to potentially allow millions of undocumented workers to remain in the country.

But another debate on immigration will refocus on internal GOP splits and raise questions about whether the party is taking any of its own advice about being more open to Hispanics.

Pointing to inaction by Congress, Obama signaled last week that he’s done waiting for Republicans to negotiate a compromise on any immigration measures.

“I promise you, the American people don’t want me just standing around twiddling my thumbs and waiting for Congress to get something done,” he said.

How far can the President go on executive actions?

House Speaker John Boehner warned Obama that any move to expand earlier executive action would be “a grievous mistake.”

In an opinion piece in Politico on Friday, Boehner insisted any action to fix immigration “must be done by Congress, and it must be done in a common-sense, step-by-step fashion so that the American people have a say in what we are doing.”

Boehner was one of the first top Republicans after Mitt Romney lost the 2012 presidential election to say that the party needed to deal with immigration.

But a bipartisan Senate bill approved last year and backed by some prominent Republicans hit a wall in the GOP-led House.

Because most House Republican districts are solidly red, most of the party’s rank and file feared primary challenges from the right. The incentive was to stop immigration reform, not move it forward.

Recent actions contradict efforts to be inclusive

Undocumented immigrant debates Steve King

The link between immigration & terrorism

House passes $694 million border bill

Obama: Congress holding up progress

With Congress divided, Obama to go his own way on immigration

Many Republican Party leaders and possible presidential candidates, however, say the GOP needs a more inclusive message to Hispanics if it hopes to win the White House in 2016.

But the message they’re hearing on immigration from many in the party could make it harder to build relationships with the Latino community.

House bill

Right before leaving town for August, the House passed a bill requiring that some 600,000 children born in the United States to parents who entered the country illegally would be deported.

The vote was largely along party lines and Republicans pressing for broader reform said that ending the Obama administration’s program easing such deportations sent the wrong message.

“Why are Republicans continuing to shoot themselves in the foot?” Carlos Gutierrez, a Republican himself and a former commerce secretary for George W. Bush, asked in a CNN interview.

A chief proponent of the House bill, Iowa Rep. Steve King, was confronted in his home state last week at an event with Sen. Rand Paul, a likely 2016 presidential candidate.

With media present covering Paul, a woman claiming that she would be deported if the measure became law confronted King about the legislation. Paul was seen leaving before the matter turned into a heated debate.

Paul has made broadening the Republican Party’s appeal a cornerstone of his message.

He helped open GOP offices in minority neighborhoods in his home state and appeared before numerous African-American groups, highlighting his support for reforming criminal sentencing guidelines.

Former 2012 vice presidential candidate Paul Ryan has also traveled to more than a dozen communities around the country to discuss poverty issues and promote his economic growth policies.

But Democrats have pounced on King’s Iowa dust-up as well as others trying to paint the GOP as more extreme on immigration.

Rick Perry says youths crossing the border is a ‘side issue’

Alabama Rep. Mo Brooks said in a recent interview that he believed some were waging a “war on whites.”

Brooks was responding to a reporter pointing out the GOP’s own fears about its dwindling appeal among Hispanics. But he argued that Democrats are “claiming that whites hate everybody else,” which he insisted was “not true.”

Republicans nervous

Rep. Jeff Denham of California was one of 11 House Republicans to oppose the House bill and told CNN the decision by GOP leaders to allow a vote on it was “disappointing.”

Echoing the same sentiment expressed by Obama, Denham said the measure was “a messaging bill” and “would never see the light of day” over in the Senate.

“We’ve got kids who are going to high schools that know of no other country to call home and we’ve got to address all aspects of immigration reform,” Denham said.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid has no plans to take it up in the Democratic-led Senate and Obama has said he would veto it anyway.

Boehner didn’t want to turn the discussion over addressing the crisis of Central American migrant youth streaming across the southern border into a broader debate over immigration.

He agreed that Congress needed to work with the White House and Democrats to pass narrow legislation to deal with the issues that caused the surge of immigrants and provide resources to handle the tens of thousands who already arrived.

Number of unaccompanied minors crossing into U.S. tops 60,000

A political wedge

But Texas Republican Sen. Ted Cruz, a tea party hero, insisted that halting Obama’s ability to defer future deportations had to be part of the GOP’s response to the border situation.

As part of a deal to pass a $694 million border funding bill, Boehner and his top lieutenants agreed to allow a separate vote on a measure promoted by House conservatives that went even further than Cruz’s proposal.

The bill would end all deportation deferments because they worried Obama would use his executive authority to expand them.

Florida Republican Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart also voted against that bill and told CNN that the GOP proposal helps Democrats continue to use immigration as a political wedge.

“It gives them another bullet point in their narrative,” Diaz-Balart said.

Both Denham and Diaz-Balart criticized Obama’s actions on immigration. They said it was appropriate for Congress to respond to when it believes he is overstepping his legal authority.

“If the message is perceived as strictly to protect the civil liberties and basic rights of our democracy, that is one thing. But if the message is perceived to be anti-immigrant, that is very, very negative,” Diaz-Balart said.

Party not taking its own advice

The recent actions show Republicans aren’t taking their own advice on growing their party.

Last spring, the Republican National Committee issued a report that examined its 2012 loss and called for the GOP to address immigration reform.

The so-called “autopsy report” warned that “if Hispanic Americans perceive that a GOP nominee or candidate does not want them in the United States, they will not pay attention to our next sentence.”

Henry Barbour, a top party strategist and a report co-author, told CNN that “tone is important.”

He conceded that taking on immigration reform “takes political courage.” But he also warned against “talking in a way that’s not too hot and comes across as negative or exclusive.”

Barbour added, “We’re a big, broad party — we’re not all going to agree on immigration — not going to agree on everything, but we certainly have to have people in Washington on the Republican and Democratic side that want to get things done.”

House Republicans also heard about it on the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal, which doesn’t usually criticize Republicans.

“A party whose preoccupation is deporting children is going to alienate many conservatives, never mind minority voters. The episode is also sure to raise doubts among swing voters about whether Republicans would be prepared to govern if they do win control of the entire Congress,” the Journal said.

Advice on what to do

Even if Republicans can’t enact immigration reform in a divided Congress, others advise it has to look like it is at least trying to do something.

“Republican support among Hispanic voters does not hinge on immigration reform but inaction. Our inaction and poor optics can eviscerate any future we have right now,” Leslie Sanchez, a Republican strategist and author of “Los Republicanos — Why Hispanics & Republicans Need Each Other,” said.

Gutierrez said that he saw a scenario for Republicans to be on the offense if the party is able to retake control of the Senate in November.

He suggested the House and Senate could come together on a proposal that would both secure the border but also provide some path to legal status for the 11 million undocumented workers.

Presenting a bill to Obama would put the onus on him to respond and make him the subject of blame if he rejected it.

“I think this is one of those ‘Nixon goes to China’ things — it will be a Republican who reforms immigration. I don’t believe that Democrats have the credibility,” Gutierrez said.

Expanding the wedge?

Many Republicans interviewed by CNN said the challenge next year will be even greater because Democrats will want to use any divisions on the issue to further expand the wedge between the GOP and Latino voters going into the 2016 election.

But they warned that the party can’t use that as an excuse to not promote a message of positive reform.

“This is what people are elected to do,” Barbour said. “Just do your job — I’m talking to Republicans and Democrats alike. This is a two-way street.”

Campaign officials from both parties say immigration is not a top-tier issue for the midterms. There are only a handful of House Republicans in competitive races in districts with significant Latino populations.

The GOP is well-positioned to win control of the Senate and immigration is expected to be a factor in just one key contest — in Colorado, where there is a sizable number of Hispanic voters.

But the 2016 vote is again expected to come down to a handful of key swing states where both parties will work hard to win over independents.

And many Republicans agree that the party’s record on immigration will be important in states like Colorado, Nevada, Arizona, and Florida, which are home to expanding populations of Latino voters.

Calling immigration reform the “800-pound gorilla in the room,” Diaz-Balart said if Latinos perceive that Republicans don’t want to deal with immigration, then “that is a major, major, major stumbling block to get over.”


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Republicans ignoring their own advice on immigration

Washington (CNN) — Republicans already are steaming about President Barack Obama’s expected executive action to potentially allow millions of undocumented workers to remain in the country.

But another debate on immigration will refocus on internal GOP splits and raise questions about whether the party is taking any of its own advice about being more open to Hispanics.

Pointing to inaction by Congress, Obama signaled last week that he’s done waiting for Republicans to negotiate a compromise on any immigration measures.

“I promise you, the American people don’t want me just standing around twiddling my thumbs and waiting for Congress to get something done,” he said.

How far can the President go on executive actions?

House Speaker John Boehner warned Obama that any move to expand earlier executive action would be “a grievous mistake.”

In an opinion piece in Politico on Friday, Boehner insisted any action to fix immigration “must be done by Congress, and it must be done in a common-sense, step-by-step fashion so that the American people have a say in what we are doing.”

Boehner was one of the first top Republicans after Mitt Romney lost the 2012 presidential election to say that the party needed to deal with immigration.

But a bipartisan Senate bill approved last year and backed by some prominent Republicans hit a wall in the GOP-led House.

Because most House Republican districts are solidly red, most of the party’s rank and file feared primary challenges from the right. The incentive was to stop immigration reform, not move it forward.

Recent actions contradict efforts to be inclusive

Undocumented immigrant debates Steve King

The link between immigration & terrorism

House passes $694 million border bill

Obama: Congress holding up progress

With Congress divided, Obama to go his own way on immigration

Many Republican Party leaders and possible presidential candidates, however, say the GOP needs a more inclusive message to Hispanics if it hopes to win the White House in 2016.

But the message they’re hearing on immigration from many in the party could make it harder to build relationships with the Latino community.

House bill

Right before leaving town for August, the House passed a bill requiring that some 600,000 children born in the United States to parents who entered the country illegally would be deported.

The vote was largely along party lines and Republicans pressing for broader reform said that ending the Obama administration’s program easing such deportations sent the wrong message.

“Why are Republicans continuing to shoot themselves in the foot?” Carlos Gutierrez, a Republican himself and a former commerce secretary for George W. Bush, asked in a CNN interview.

A chief proponent of the House bill, Iowa Rep. Steve King, was confronted in his home state last week at an event with Sen. Rand Paul, a likely 2016 presidential candidate.

With media present covering Paul, a woman claiming that she would be deported if the measure became law confronted King about the legislation. Paul was seen leaving before the matter turned into a heated debate.

Paul has made broadening the Republican Party’s appeal a cornerstone of his message.

He helped open GOP offices in minority neighborhoods in his home state and appeared before numerous African-American groups, highlighting his support for reforming criminal sentencing guidelines.

Former 2012 vice presidential candidate Paul Ryan has also traveled to more than a dozen communities around the country to discuss poverty issues and promote his economic growth policies.

But Democrats have pounced on King’s Iowa dust-up as well as others trying to paint the GOP as more extreme on immigration.

Rick Perry says youths crossing the border is a ‘side issue’

Alabama Rep. Mo Brooks said in a recent interview that he believed some were waging a “war on whites.”

Brooks was responding to a reporter pointing out the GOP’s own fears about its dwindling appeal among Hispanics. But he argued that Democrats are “claiming that whites hate everybody else,” which he insisted was “not true.”

Republicans nervous

Rep. Jeff Denham of California was one of 11 House Republicans to oppose the House bill and told CNN the decision by GOP leaders to allow a vote on it was “disappointing.”

Echoing the same sentiment expressed by Obama, Denham said the measure was “a messaging bill” and “would never see the light of day” over in the Senate.

“We’ve got kids who are going to high schools that know of no other country to call home and we’ve got to address all aspects of immigration reform,” Denham said.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid has no plans to take it up in the Democratic-led Senate and Obama has said he would veto it anyway.

Boehner didn’t want to turn the discussion over addressing the crisis of Central American migrant youth streaming across the southern border into a broader debate over immigration.

He agreed that Congress needed to work with the White House and Democrats to pass narrow legislation to deal with the issues that caused the surge of immigrants and provide resources to handle the tens of thousands who already arrived.

Number of unaccompanied minors crossing into U.S. tops 60,000

A political wedge

But Texas Republican Sen. Ted Cruz, a tea party hero, insisted that halting Obama’s ability to defer future deportations had to be part of the GOP’s response to the border situation.

As part of a deal to pass a $694 million border funding bill, Boehner and his top lieutenants agreed to allow a separate vote on a measure promoted by House conservatives that went even further than Cruz’s proposal.

The bill would end all deportation deferments because they worried Obama would use his executive authority to expand them.

Florida Republican Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart also voted against that bill and told CNN that the GOP proposal helps Democrats continue to use immigration as a political wedge.

“It gives them another bullet point in their narrative,” Diaz-Balart said.

Both Denham and Diaz-Balart criticized Obama’s actions on immigration. They said it was appropriate for Congress to respond to when it believes he is overstepping his legal authority.

“If the message is perceived as strictly to protect the civil liberties and basic rights of our democracy, that is one thing. But if the message is perceived to be anti-immigrant, that is very, very negative,” Diaz-Balart said.

Party not taking its own advice

The recent actions show Republicans aren’t taking their own advice on growing their party.

Last spring, the Republican National Committee issued a report that examined its 2012 loss and called for the GOP to address immigration reform.

The so-called “autopsy report” warned that “if Hispanic Americans perceive that a GOP nominee or candidate does not want them in the United States, they will not pay attention to our next sentence.”

Henry Barbour, a top party strategist and a report co-author, told CNN that “tone is important.”

He conceded that taking on immigration reform “takes political courage.” But he also warned against “talking in a way that’s not too hot and comes across as negative or exclusive.”

Barbour added, “We’re a big, broad party — we’re not all going to agree on immigration — not going to agree on everything, but we certainly have to have people in Washington on the Republican and Democratic side that want to get things done.”

House Republicans also heard about it on the editorial page of the Wall Street Journal, which doesn’t usually criticize Republicans.

“A party whose preoccupation is deporting children is going to alienate many conservatives, never mind minority voters. The episode is also sure to raise doubts among swing voters about whether Republicans would be prepared to govern if they do win control of the entire Congress,” the Journal said.

Advice on what to do

Even if Republicans can’t enact immigration reform in a divided Congress, others advise it has to look like it is at least trying to do something.

“Republican support among Hispanic voters does not hinge on immigration reform but inaction. Our inaction and poor optics can eviscerate any future we have right now,” Leslie Sanchez, a Republican strategist and author of “Los Republicanos — Why Hispanics & Republicans Need Each Other,” said.

Gutierrez said that he saw a scenario for Republicans to be on the offense if the party is able to retake control of the Senate in November.

He suggested the House and Senate could come together on a proposal that would both secure the border but also provide some path to legal status for the 11 million undocumented workers.

Presenting a bill to Obama would put the onus on him to respond and make him the subject of blame if he rejected it.

“I think this is one of those ‘Nixon goes to China’ things — it will be a Republican who reforms immigration. I don’t believe that Democrats have the credibility,” Gutierrez said.

Expanding the wedge?

Many Republicans interviewed by CNN said the challenge next year will be even greater because Democrats will want to use any divisions on the issue to further expand the wedge between the GOP and Latino voters going into the 2016 election.

But they warned that the party can’t use that as an excuse to not promote a message of positive reform.

“This is what people are elected to do,” Barbour said. “Just do your job — I’m talking to Republicans and Democrats alike. This is a two-way street.”

Campaign officials from both parties say immigration is not a top-tier issue for the midterms. There are only a handful of House Republicans in competitive races in districts with significant Latino populations.

The GOP is well-positioned to win control of the Senate and immigration is expected to be a factor in just one key contest — in Colorado, where there is a sizable number of Hispanic voters.

But the 2016 vote is again expected to come down to a handful of key swing states where both parties will work hard to win over independents.

And many Republicans agree that the party’s record on immigration will be important in states like Colorado, Nevada, Arizona, and Florida, which are home to expanding populations of Latino voters.

Calling immigration reform the “800-pound gorilla in the room,” Diaz-Balart said if Latinos perceive that Republicans don’t want to deal with immigration, then “that is a major, major, major stumbling block to get over.”


Source Article from http://www.cnn.com/2014/08/11/politics/gop-immigration-message/index.html
Republicans ignoring their own advice on immigration
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Alaska GOP candidates clash on immigration

ANCHORAGE, Alaska (AP) — Thousands of miles from the U.S-Mexico border, three Republicans vying for their party’s nomination for U.S. Senate in Alaska clashed on immigration Sunday night in a televised debate ahead of the Aug. 19 primary.

Both former Alaska Attorney General Dan Sullivan and Lt. Gov Mead Treadwell refused to sign a pledge offered by tea party favorite Joe Miller to oppose all efforts at “amnesty” for people here illegally if elected to the U.S. Senate, with Treadwell chastising Miller for sending out a mailer on immigration featuring menacing Hispanic gang members. Miller, in turn, noted that several of Sullivan’s backers, like GOP strategist Karl Rove, favor allowing many of the 11 million immigrants in the country to eventually become citizens.

“It’s because it’s the truth,” Miller said when challenged about the pictures on the flier. “This is real-world stuff.”

Miller, an attorney who won the 2010 Republican Senate nomination but lost to Sen. Lisa Murkowski when she bested him in a general election write-in campaign, has been increasingly emphasizing immigration as he tries to break out of what most observers believe is third place in the heated primary fight. He has been highlighting his support from Maricopa County, Arizona, Sheriff Joe Arpaio, a well-known immigration hardliner.

Miller was also the only one of the three candidates who refused to commit to endorsing the winner of the Republican primary. That will continue to stoke speculation that he could run on a third-party ticket should he lose the primary, which could effectively hand the November election to incumbent Democrat Sen. Mark Begich.

The candidates also clashed over the economic stimulus, gun rights and campaign spending. Sullivan has raised almost four times as much money as Treadwell and has a super PAC backing him, enabling him to bombard the airwaves with advertising. Begich and his super PAC have also jumped into the fight, attacking Sullivan over his roughly seven-year absence from the state, when he was in Washington, D.C., working in the administration of President George W. Bush and serving with the military overseas.

Republicans need to net six Senate seats to win control of the chamber in November. Sullivan stressed the need for the GOP to regain power in Washington, focusing, as befits his presumed front-runner status, on Begich rather than his primary foes.

“Our country is fundamentally going in the wrong direction,” said Sullivan, who is also a lieutenant colonel in the Marine Reserves. “The best way to change this is to beat Mark Begich and retire Harry Reid.”

Treadwell stressed his 40 years in Alaska and said Sullivan didn’t have enough experience to win in November. “Dollars don’t vote here in Alaska, people do,” he said in a dig at Sullivan’s financial backers, “and I ask you to remember that we can’t be bought.”

Sullivan chided Treadwell for sitting on the board of a company that sold equipment to the federal government for stimulus projects. Treadwell responded that there was nothing wrong with the business selling to the federal government and noted that the paint-supply company owned by Sullivan’s family also received contracts under the stimulus.

Miller, meanwhile, had a tone of bemusement, saying that Treadwell had adopted so many of his positions from his failed 2010 bid that he wondered if the lieutenant governor would show up with a beard, a reference to Miller’s facial hair. He noted he was the only non-millionaire in the race and boasted of building his own house in the Alaskan interior and feeding his family with the fish he caught in the state’s rich waters.

On immigration, all three candidates bashed the Obama administration for failing to secure the border. Treadwell said he supported letting some people here illegally stay once they pay a fine and wait for permits behind those who immigrated legally. Sullivan called for more border security.

___

Bohrer contributed to this report from Juneau, Alaska..

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