Immigrant Advocates Challenge The Way Mothers Are Detained

Children enter a dormitory in the Artesia Family Residential Center in Artesia, N.M, in September. The center has been held up by the Obama administration as an example of the crackdown on illegal crossings from Central America. But civil rights advocates are suing the federal government, saying that lack of access to legal representation turned the center into a "deportation mill."i
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Children enter a dormitory in the Artesia Family Residential Center in Artesia, N.M, in September. The center has been held up by the Obama administration as an example of the crackdown on illegal crossings from Central America. But civil rights advocates are suing the federal government, saying that lack of access to legal representation turned the center into a “deportation mill.”

Juan Carlos LLorca/AP


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Children enter a dormitory in the Artesia Family Residential Center in Artesia, N.M, in September. The center has been held up by the Obama administration as an example of the crackdown on illegal crossings from Central America. But civil rights advocates are suing the federal government, saying that lack of access to legal representation turned the center into a "deportation mill."

Children enter a dormitory in the Artesia Family Residential Center in Artesia, N.M, in September. The center has been held up by the Obama administration as an example of the crackdown on illegal crossings from Central America. But civil rights advocates are suing the federal government, saying that lack of access to legal representation turned the center into a “deportation mill.”

Juan Carlos LLorca/AP

The federal government is opening new family detention centers for newly arrived immigrants in the hope it will speed the process of considering their claims for asylum, but civil rights advocates have challenged this practice of detaining mothers and children who are caught coming into this country illegally.

Immigrant advocates are suing the government over changes to the way women with children caught crossing into the country illegally are being processed. Ten plaintiffs are suing the Department of Homeland Security over its policies and practices at the Artesia Family Residential Center, where 648 women and children are being held in a housing unit inside a Border Patrol training academy while they await the outcome of their asylum cases.

Speaking to NPR by phone inside that detention center, a 20-year-old Salvadoran woman who is the lead plaintiff says she and her infant son fled La Libertad province in El Salvador because she was targeted by rival street gangs. One pressured her to be an informant; the other accused her of being that informant. Identified only by her initials to protect her from retaliation, MSPC says she was also abused by a violent husband. She and her baby crossed into Texas in June, on her way to find her grandmother in Los Angeles, when she was arrested for illegal entry.

Artesia Family Residential Center is a sort of family-friendly prison. There are snacks and drinks, school classrooms, a playroom, a basketball court and a soccer field — but the detainees are not free to leave.

“It’s very hard to be locked up here,” MSPC says. “My son turned a year old here, and I was so happy that he took his first steps, but I’m sad that it happened within these four walls.”

The lawsuit questions the policy of family detention and the practices inside these new holding centers, which include a high rate of asylum denial, says Lee Gelernt, deputy director of the ACLU’s National Immigrants’ Rights Project.

“The women and children who are being denied asylum in these claims have very strong claims, yet they’re being routinely denied asylum and are going to be sent back to countries where they will certainly be abused and maybe face death,” Gelernt says.

The detention center at Artesia, N.M., is one of three such facilities. There’s a small one in Berks County, Pa., and a repurposed men’s jail in Karnes City, Texas. A fourth facility — the biggest of them all, with 2,400 beds — is under construction in South Texas.

In an emailed statement to NPR, a spokesman with Immigration and Customs Enforcement said the surge of Central Americans across the border over the summer forced ICE to “increase its capacity to detain and expedite” their removal. He said the new detention centers are “an effective option to maintain family units and reduce flight risk” while they await the outcome of immigration hearings, or deportation.

A federal employee walks past cribs inside the Artesia detention center in June.i
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A federal employee walks past cribs inside the Artesia detention center in June.

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A federal employee walks past cribs inside the Artesia detention center in June.

A federal employee walks past cribs inside the Artesia detention center in June.

Juan Carlos Llorca/AP

“Let’s face it, enforcing immigration laws is a hard business,” says Dan Cadman, who worked with the old Immigration and Naturalization Service, and later ICE, for nearly 30 years.

He’s currently a fellow with the Center for Immigration Studies. Cadman says it’s a hard fact that the only way the government can ensure an order of removal is carried out is by detaining that individual.

“Aliens who are not detained, if the results aren’t the results they had hoped for and the order is for removal, they don’t show up for removal, they abscond,” Cadman says.

But immigration lawyers argue that what ICE has done is create “deportation mills.”

“There is this idea that because people are detained we need to move things faster,” says Edna Yang, general counsel of American Gateways in Austin, which provides pro bono legal help to immigrants. Under a sped-up system, she says, immigrants have restricted access to lawyers, less time to understand the complicated asylum process and less time to obtain supporting documents from home or to even use the phone.

“But when you then start to put time pressures and constraints on credible fear interviews, what it does is make the system more efficient but compromises due process in general,” she says.

The new ICE detention policy creates a double standard: Mothers with children are caught and detained, but current laws compel the government to release unaccompanied immigrant children to go live with family members in the U.S., where they remain free while they await their day in immigration court.

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Mayor: More immigrant families freed than deported

One of three centers used for detaining Central American families who have entered the U.S. illegally this year has started releasing many more detainees than it deports, a New Mexico city official said.

Federal immigration authorities reported 61 releases and no deportations last week at the Artesia Family Residential Center in southeastern New Mexico, Artesia Mayor Phillip Burch said.

It was at least the second week in a row that Immigrations and Customs Enforcement authorities reported to Artesia officials that more detainees were released than deported.

The numbers show a dramatic change from the center’s first two weeks, when 135 people were deported and 12 were released, according to figures provided to Burch by ICE officials. The center opened in late June and is one of three in the U.S. used to detain migrant families, mostly Central American mothers and children fleeing violence and poverty in their countries.

ICE declined to comment on the recent shift, or say whether it’s also happening at the other two lockups, in Pennsylvania and Texas. However, experts said factors that likely led to the change include detainees having better access to lawyers, and new judges setting lower bond amounts.

The Artesia barracks can house up to 650 women and children.

ICE spokeswoman Leticia Zamarripa said 324 people held in the center have been deported to Central America since it opened. Burch said 227 detainees have been released.

Federal officials haven’t said how many people have been released and referred questions to the U.S. Justice Department‘s immigration review office. That office said it would take 10 to 15 days before the AP could obtain the numbers.

Homeland Secretary Jeh Johnson said in July the facility would serve as a processing center to quickly deport people through expedited removal.

Civil rights advocates later sued the government, complaining a lack of access to legal representation turned the center into a “deportation mill.” They said bail was being set impossibly high, and asylum claims were denied at a much higher rate than the rest of the immigrant population.

ICE recently opened a place where attorneys can meet with clients and set up a private room for lawyers. The agency also has provided mothers the opportunity to leave their children in a separate room if they need to discuss traumatic experiences that would make them eligible for asylum.

Laura Lichter, an immigration attorney working with detainees in Artesia, said judges listening to cases closed-circuit from Colorado are imposing much lower bonds for immigrants who are granted release. Previously, Virginia-based judges were imposing bonds as high as $30,000.

Alex Nowrasteh, an immigration policy analyst for the Cato Institute, said better access to legal representation and pressure on the Obama Administration from immigrant advocates likely played roles in more Artesia detainees being released.

“But I think better lawyering probably played a bigger role,” Nowrasteh said. “Better access to attorneys is key, and as long as detainees have legal representation, this trend will likely continue.”

___

Associated Press writer Russell Contreras in Albuquerque, New Mexico, contributed to this report.

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Follow Juan Carlos Llorca on Twitter at https://twitter.com/jcllorca.

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Most unaccompanied immigrant children attending deportation hearings

Most unaccompanied immigrant children and teens who have been apprehended crossing the U.S.-Mexico border are showing up for their deportation hearings, according to the federal agency that oversees the nation’s immigration courts.

Between July 18 and Sept. 30, 85 percent of them showed up as required for their first appearances in court, called “master calendar hearings,” according to the U.S. Executive Office for Immigration Review.

During that same time frame, the courts received 10,041 cases involving unaccompanied children. Of those, 7,131 had their first hearings and 1,035 were ordered deported in absentia for not showing up.

Meanwhile, federal immigration authorities are apprehending fewer of them on the southwest border. Last week, Homeland Security Secretary Jeh Johnson disclosed that 2,424 had been arrested there last month. That is the lowest number apprehended since January of last year.

In all, 68,551 were apprehended on the southwest border during the fiscal year that ended last month, a 77 percent increase over the year before. During the first eight months of this year, 1,623 of the children and teens have been placed in the care of sponsors in Georgia.

“Though the worst is over for now — from the spike this summer and the high in illegal migration 15 years ago – the president and I are committed to building an even more secure border, and a smart strategy to get there,” Johnson told the Center for Strategic and International Studies Thursday.

“Much of illegal migration is seasonal. The spike in migration we saw this summer could return. The poverty and violence that are the ‘push factors’ in Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador still exist. The economy in this country — a ‘pull factor’ — is getting better.”

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Communities protest surge of immigrant kids

Washington (CNN) — In places such as Murrieta, California, and Oracle, Arizona, the message is clear: Thousands of immigrant children fleeing Central America are unwelcome in Small Town U.S.A.

The children, many of them arriving unaccompanied from El Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala, have traveled up to 3,000 miles across deserts and rivers, clinging to the tops of trains.

They sometimes face rape and beatings at the hands of “coyotes,” smugglers who are paid thousands of dollars to sneak them across the southern border with Mexico.

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Immigration in 75 seconds

‘Documented’ reporter detained at airport

Earlier this month in Murrieta, busloads of babies in their mothers’ laps, teens, ‘tweens and toddlers were turned back from a detainee facility.

They were met by screaming protesters waving and wearing American flags and bearing signs that read such things as “Return to Sender.”

And so it goes. Southwest border towns, West Coast suburbs, and middle-America enclaves have become the newest battleground in the vitriolic political debate over immigration.

The showdowns highlight the scope and depth of challenges the Obama administration grapples with as officials try to use immigration-related fixes to resolve what politicians on both sides of the aisle have called “a humanitarian crisis.”

Here’s a snapshot of how things are playing out across the country:

Arizona: In Oracle, a town of roughly 3,700, protesters faced off Tuesday at Sycamore Canyon Academy, a nearby boys ranch that is to be used as a temporary housing facility for the immigrant minors, according to CNN affiliate KOLD.

Protesters representing both sides of the debate screamed and waved signs reading such things as “Send ‘em to Coyote Obama,” according to video from CNN affiliate KPNX. One man trumpeted a Mariachi-version of the “Star-Spangled Banner” as people around him yelled. Protesters even tried to stop a bus of kids from the local YMCA , which they had mistaken as the immigrant children. But the Central American children never arrived, according to media reports.

Pinal County Sheriff Paul Babeu said accepting the unaccompanied juvenile immigrants only encourages more to come.

“Their very hope was realized when we took them in. Nobody was turned back and what I believe, and I think a lot of Americans would agree, is instead of accepting these 90,000, they should have — the humanitarian way to address this is reunite them with their families and their country of origin because this 90,000 is going to be hundreds of thousands,” he told CNN’s Chris Cuomo Wednesday.

“These children should be returned to their home country — not to Oracle, Arizona, paid for by American taxpayers,” Babeu said earlier in a statement on the department’s Facebook page.

California: In sharp contrast to the reception similar children received in Murrieta, Central American immigrant children have been welcomed by the community of Fontana.

Just over 40 immigrants on Homeland Security buses arrived at the St. Joseph’s Catholic Church there on Thursday and were greeted by staff and community donations of food, clothing and toys, according to CNN affiliate KTLA.

And a group of California state lawmakers headed to Central America on Monday to discuss the surge of immigrant children with leaders from that region, according to CNN affiliate KCRA.

Texas: Protestors in Waco, Texas, meanwhile, are demanding better conditions for the 250 men from El Salvador being held at the Jack Harwell Detention Center, according to CNN affiliate KCEN.

And the League City, Texas, City Council approved a proposal banning the housing or detention of undocumented immigrants within the city at a recent meeting, according to KHOU.

New Mexico: In Artesia, New Mexico, hundreds of residents turned out for a contentious town hall meeting to decry the hundreds of women and children being housed at the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center, a facility that also trains Border Patrol agents, according to CNN affiliate KOAT.

Iowa: Gov. Terry Branstad told CNN affiliate WHO on Monday that he does not want federal officials to send Central American children to his state, adding that by accepting them, the United States is sending “a signal to send kids illegally.”

Some local aid groups are appalled.

Archdiocese seeks to aid illegal minors

Deadline looms on immigration compromise

Nebraska’s Governor on immigrants’ arrival

Migrants’ harsh journey through Mexico

“My God. This is a humanitarian crisis,” said Kathleen McQuillen, the Iowa Program Director of American Friends Service Committee.

McQuillen’s group, a Quaker-based organization, questions how the country could spend trillions on war and not have the pennies on those dollars to spend to take care of children in dire need.

She said, “It’s a simple thing to begin to say, what’s important in this world?”

Nebraska: At a National Governors Association meeting in Nashville earlier this month, Nebraska Gov. Dave Heineman complained that federal officials did not notify him that they were placing hundreds of immigrant children with family members in his state.

Michigan: Protesters headed to city hall in Vassar earlier this month to oppose a social service agency’s plan to temporarily house 60 immigrant children according to CNN affiliate WNEM.

“It’s about the American government, Democrat or Republican, getting off their lazy butts and passing a decent bill where we can screen our immigrants, make sure they’re not felons, diseased or whatever, and get a program set up to bring them into this country,” Vassar resident Jack Smith told WNEM.

Virginia: Federal officials shelved plans to send the children to an unoccupied, historically black college campus in Lawrenceville, a small community of about 1,400, after nearly the entire town showed up at a meeting and furiously denounced the proposal.

“Our staff will immediately cease any further activities in your community,” Mark Greenberg, the Department of Health and Human Services acting assistant secretary for children and families, wrote the community in June.

Prince William County officials were frustrated to learn second-hand that some children are being housed in shelters in the region.

“HHS did not inform the county. We’re somewhat upset about that,” Prince William County Board of Supervisors Chairman Corey Stewart told CNN affiliate WJLA. “I’m concerned these children may be housed here permanently and of course there is going to be a drain on our educational system and other county services.”

Maryland: Maryland Gov. Martin O’Malley told CNN in an interview that he asked the White House to not send the minor immigrants to a site in western Maryland that was under consideration.

“What I said was that would not be the most inviting site in Maryland. There are already hundreds of kids already located throughout Maryland,” O’Malley said. The plan was scuttled.

O’Malley officials pointed to graffiti that was found spray painted on the shelter site in Westminster, Maryland, last weekend as an indication of hostility the migrant housing plan was generating.

“No illeagles here. No undocumented Democrats,” the graffiti read.

A Maryland law enforcement official told the Washington Post the message would be investigated as a hate crime.

Washington: Roughly 600 unaccompanied immigrant children from Central America may soon be heading to Joint Base Lewis-McChord south of Tacoma, according to CNN affiliate KING.

Representatives with HHS are slated to meet Wednesday with Lakewood city leaders and staffers from the office of Democratic Rep. Denny Heck to discuss the matter.

“The biggest concern we have here in DuPont is the security,” DuPont City Administrator Ted Danek told the station. “You’ve got a lot of people coming here (with) no known backgrounds.”

And on Monday, the U.S. government deported the first group of what authorities promise will be many more — about 40 mothers and children. They flew to Honduras on a charter flight.

Despite the perils of their journey to the United States and their failed attempt to stay, one woman plans to make the trek again. There is nothing left for them at home, she said.


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Communities protest surge of immigrant kids
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Immigrant children describe horrors of journey

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African immigrant accused of performing female circumcision

NRtarasov_vl/Getty Images/iStockphoto The victim says she was reluctant to call police because Moussa Diarra threatened to kill her after attacking her with the razor.


An African immigrant used a razor blade to mutilate a woman’s genitalia in a gruesome mingling of culture, cruelty and crime, the Daily News has learned.


Moussa Diarra, 48, was arrested after the alleged Sept. 14 attack on the 24-year-old victim at his upper Manhattan apartment, authorities said.


The victim says she was reluctant to call police because Diarra threatened to kill her if she exposed his attempt at performing a female circumcision — removing her clitoris.


Diarra, a native of the Ivory Coast, sliced the woman’s genitals with a razor blade “for his own direct sexual gratification,” according to a criminal complaint.


The suspect, arrested Sept. 23, was indicted six days later on charges of a criminal sexual act and two counts of assault — along with a fourth count of aggravated sexual assault for inserting a foreign object into her vagina in the month before the razor attack.


The woman claimed the 5-foot-10, 180-pound Diarra attacked her after she rebuffed his sexual advances, a police source told the Daily News.


The Chelsea parking lot attendant then forced himself upon the woman before attacking her with the razor. The victim was “bleeding and (in) substantial pain” after the attack, the complaint charged.


Female circumcision is prevalent in the Ivory Coast and other African nations, including some where the procedure is viewed as accepted practice for men wanting to control a woman’s sexuality.


A 2013 UNICEF report estimated that more than 5 million female residents of the Ivory Coast are victims of forced genital mutilation.


The police source said Diarra specifically said before the attack that he wanted a circumcised woman. The defendant’s arraignment was set for Oct. 27.


Diarra – who immigrated to the United States in 1990 – denied the heinous charges. The victim only accused him after their relationship splintered over her belief that Diarra was seeing another woman, the suspect charged.


“I never cut her. I don’t know how (she got cut),” said Diarra, wearing a green prison jumpsuit, in a jailhouse sit down with the News.


Diarra said he met the victim online in 2010 and brought her to the United States in January from an undisclosed country.


But their relationship began to crumble as time went by, and she began making threats about bringing charges in mid-September.


Diarra was jailed at the Manhattan Detention Complex after voluntarily going to a police precinct once he heard cops were looking for him.


“I’m a non-violent person. I’m an honest man,” Diarra insisted. “I ask God to help, if there’s some way to get out of here.”


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Loans empower immigrant entrepreneurs

omer kissi
Omer Kissi used a loan from St. Paul’s Neighborhood Development Center to start a business that now employs nine people.


Cities often struggle with two distinct but related problems: Revitalizing neighborhoods and employing immigrants. Minneapolis-St. Paul has found a way to do both.

Since 1993, the Neighborhood Development Center has provided training and $11 million in loans to immigrant and minority entrepreneurs. There are now over 500 center-backed businesses in the Twin Cities employing some 2,500 people — many in economically distressed areas.

Oromiya Transportation Services was started in 2011 when Omer Kissi, a 45-year-old immigrant from Ethiopia, bought a used Dodge Caravan for $6,200.

Kissi, who followed his fiance to the United States in 2008, used the Caravan to shuttle elderly patients to the drug store or doctor’s office.

He wanted to expand his business, but he had trouble getting access to capital. And although he was trained in Ethiopia as an accountant, those skills weren’t directly applicable in running a U.S. business.

Then a friend tipped him off to the NDC. After taking a four-week course in the basics of running a businesses, he was able to secure $30,000 in funding from the NDC and a local bank.

Now he has nine vans, nine part-time employees and a contract transporting homeless St. Paul children to and from school. His loans are on track to be paid off by 2106.

“They encouraged me, showed me how to get funding,” Kissi said of the NDC program. “It really was amazing.”

Kissi’s story is one that NDC founder Mihailo Temali has seen hundreds of times over the last two decades.

When he started the NDC in the early ’90s, he quickly learned that the key to engaging the local community was to run many of the training programs through existing neighborhood organizations — which the locals already knew and trusted.

NDC now issues about 40 loans a year, each averaging about $25,000 with interest rates from 3% to 7%.The average payback time is around three years, and the default rate is only about 8%, likely because NDC continues to offer training and assistance to the businesses it backs. About half of NDC’s business is with African Americans.

“Right away, these folks who are maybe a janitor or cooking BBQ on a street corner in a half barrel, they start getting a different self image,” said Temali.

NDC serves neighborhoods all over the Twin Cities and has connections with the communities of seven ethnic groups, including Somalis, Southeast Asians, Latinos and Native Americans — though anyone is welcome to apply.

By empowering these groups, NDC helps enrich the neighborhood. Some 60% of NDC-backed businesses occupy storefronts that were formerly vacant, according to an independent report commissioned by the organization. In 2012, these businesses pumped over $43 million back into their neighborhood economies through rent, payrolls and other expenditures.

There are now at least a dozen other groups in the Twin Cities that focus on empowering immigrant entrepreneurs to start their own businesses.

“No one can direct me, no one can force me,” Kissi said. “I’m so happy.”

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Women allege sexual abuse at Texas immigrant detention center

The Karnes County Residential Center in Karnes City, Texas, can hold up to 532 people -- adults and children -- accused of illegally crossing into the United States.

(CNN) — Women detained at an immigrant holding facility in southern Texas allege workers there have sexually abused them, including by removing them from their cells at night for sex as well as fondling them in front of others, lawyers wrote in a letter to federal officials this week.

Some guards or other workers at the Karnes County Residential Center also asked sexual favors of female detainees in exchange for money or promises of assistance — including help with their immigration cases or shelter if they are released — the lawyers allege in the letter.

The allegations were detailed in a Tuesday letter from several immigrant advocacy groups to officials with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the Department of Homeland Security, which had hired one of America’s for-profit prison operators to run the facility.

“We call for an immediate investigation into these serious allegations of sexual abuse and the immediate protection of all women and children forced to reside in the facility,” the letter, sent by the Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund (MALDEF) on behalf of all the advocacy groups, reads.

Company denies claims, says center is ‘family-friendly

Geo Group Inc., the company that runs the facility, told CNN it strongly refutes the allegations.

“The Karnes County Residential Center provides a safe, clean, and family-friendly environment for mothers and children awaiting required processing by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency,” the Geo Group’s vice president of corporate relations, Pablo Paez, said. “The center provides high quality care, and our company strongly denies any allegations to the contrary.”

An eight-person room at the Karnes County detention center is shown on July 31, 2014.

ICE told CNN it couldn’t discuss specifics about this case. But it said it “has a zero-tolerance policy for all forms of sexual abuse or assault and our facilities are maintained in accordance with applicable laws and policies.”

“Accusations of alleged unlawful conduct are investigated thoroughly and if substantiated, appropriate action is taken,” the agency said in a written statement.

The center is one of many in the country that hold undocumented immigrants — many apprehended as they crossed into the United States — as they await hearings on whether they will be deported. ICE detained 440,557 people across the nation in fiscal 2013.

The Karnes County facility can hold up to 532 detainees, and transitioned this summer from a center that housed adults to one that holds adults and children.

The sexual abuse is alleged to have happened since August, the lawyers’ letter says.

Wall Street bets on prison growth from border crisis

“Numerous” women made the allegations to lawyers representing them, and at least three center employees committed the abuse, the letter said.

The letter came five days after one of the advocacy groups made other allegations about the center’s treatment of women and children.

In a September 25 letter, the immigration clinic at the University of Texas School of Law asked federal immigration officials to investigate numerous complaints from detainees, including that children didn’t have access to a variety of nutritious snacks between meals, that messages from attorneys weren’t getting to their clients in a timely manner, and that — although they had access to a nurse — no doctor was on staff to handle significant medical issues such as respiratory infections and chronic illnesses.

Geo Group said it refutes those allegations, as well, and that ICE personnel are at the site to ensure compliance with the agency’s family residential standards.

Immigrants or refugees? A difference with political consequences

‘Removing female detainees from their cells’ for sex

MALDEF’s letter from Tuesday accuses facility workers of “removing female detainees from their cells late in the evening and during early morning hours for the purpose of engaging in sexual acts in various parts of the facility.”

Also, workers called detainees “their ‘novias,’ or ‘girlfriends,’ ” and requested “sexual favors from female detainees in exchange for money, promises of assistance with their pending immigration cases, and shelter when and if the women are released,” the advocates alleged.

Workers also kissed, fondled and groped detainees in front of other detainees, including children, the advocates alleged.

The women reported the allegations to center personnel, but “to date, no action has been taken to stop or prevent this abuse,” the letter reads.

The advocates further argue that the center “provides an environment that facilitates the abuse,” in part by having a guard roster that is predominantly male, and by allowing the guards 24-hour access to the detainees’ rooms.

The letter warns the alleged harassment and “unsafe environment” likely violates several federal laws and regulations, and asks for a response detailing what ICE and the center will do to address the matter.


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Women allege sexual abuse at Texas immigrant detention center
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Monkey Cage: Immigrant integration is not (just) about finding the right kind of people

Kim Yi Dionne: This guest post is the third in our series on immigrant integration in Europe. Find earlier posts here.

****

What is the best way to integrate immigrants?  One common answer is that countries should only admit the right kind of immigrants, those who will be most likely to adapt to the host society’s norms. Scientific research in this paradigm finds that immigrants with higher socio-economic status and/or more cultural similarities with the host country will be more likely to integrate successfully.  For example, immigrants with higher levels of educational attainment and higher occupational status are more likely to get good jobs and culturally assimilate over time.  Immigrants who arrive speaking the host country language and sharing religious and cultural practices with the host society will also be more likely to integrate over time.

Research on which immigrants are more likely to integrate successfully has generated important insights.  Yet, I argue that it may lead to a misguided attempt to label some immigrants as ‘good’ and others as ‘bad’ for integration.  My recent research explores the ways in which contextual and situational factors shape integration.  In other words, immigrant integration is not always about the individual.  This basic insight is not new. There is a long academic tradition of studying the national-level policies that are most likely to promote successful integration.  However, my recent work suggests that integration is often better understood by analyzing the local community in which an individual lives or the various situations an individual may experience during daily life.

One example of how studying context provides a different perspective on immigrant integration is the study of political attitudes. My recently published research suggests that for certain key political attitudes (most notably trust in government and satisfaction with the government) immigrants take their cues from native neighbors, irrespective of their socio-economic status or cultural assimilation. I find that the strongest predictor of how immigrants in 22 European countries feel about their government is not how well they are doing economically or how close they are to the host society culture, but instead how natives living in the same sub-national region feel about the government.  This suggests that immigrants may become well-integrated into the local civic and attitudinal norms just through living in the community.

A key implication of my finding is that since immigrants’ political attitudes are not necessarily related to their economic attainment or cultural assimilation, we need to think more carefully about the multiple dimensions of integration. This builds on findings from my 2012 book which argued that economic, political and social aspects of immigrant integration are often at odds for any given immigrant individual or immigrant group.  In short, searching for the ‘right’ kind of immigrant to integrate ignores the complexities of immigrant integration.

Another branch of research focuses on what kinds of natives are most likely to accept immigrants as part of the host society.  The assumption here is that if host societies can promote the individual-level traits that make natives more welcoming, there will be a more positive environment for immigrants to integrate.  This work identifies a wide range of factors, including higher levels of educational attainment, more positive interpersonal contact with immigrants,  an ideological preference for social equality, and a willingness to accept diversity, which make some natives more likely to have positive feelings about immigrants. However, a recent wave of research places this individual-level variation in perspective by highlighting the more general trend of agreement among natives about which types of immigrants they are more willing to accept.

Moreover, in a recent working paper, I find that natives’ willingness to accept immigrants depends on the immigrants’ occupation.  Previous research viewed immigrants’ occupation as an indicator of socio-economic status, and argued that natives’ preference for highly-skilled immigrants was an example of choosing the ‘right kind’ of immigrants.  In contrast, my working paper explores the symbolic aspects of occupation, and argues that natives are less likely to accept immigrants who are employed in occupations that are culturally important for national identity (e.g. chefs and winemakers in France, or brewers and symphony employees in Germany).  These results are consistent for both high and low-skilled immigrants and for various subsets of natives.  This is further evidence that immigrant integration is not just about whether immigrants have better socio-economic status or more cultural assimilation, or whether natives are more or less open to the idea of immigration.  Instead, integration will depend on the particular cultural context in which a given set of immigrants and natives interact.

The intense salience of immigrant integration suggests continued debates about what kind of immigrant and what kind of native will best facilitate immigrant integration.  However, my ongoing work explores the ways in which all immigrants and all natives are capable of both successful and failed integration.  This draws our attention to the ways in which integration varies across indicators (e.g. some immigrants will be better integrated economically than culturally) and across situations.  For example, in a current study I am exploring how an immigrant’s likelihood of being accepted by natives depends on various mundane situations that occur in daily life.  There is no perfect state of integration nirvana that will insulate an immigrant from all difficulties. Instead, immigrants are likely to experience a range of integration outcomes as they move through their lives, and understanding that complexity is essential for understanding the integration process.

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Rahsaan Maxwell is associate professor of political science at UNC-Chapel Hill. His book, “Ethnic Minority Migrants in Britain and France: Integration Trade-Offs,” was published by Cambridge University Press in 2012.

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Monkey Cage: Immigrant integration is not (just) about finding the right kind of people
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US government funds lawyers for immigrant children

SANTA ANA, California (AP) — The Obama administration is spending $4 million on lawyers for unaccompanied immigrant children in deportation proceedings, a move an influential Republican lawmaker says is illegal and will fuel an increase in illegal immigration.

Kenneth Wolfe, a spokesman for the Department of Health and Human Services’ Administration for Children and Families, said on Tuesday that it is the first time the office that oversees programs for unaccompanied immigrant children will provide money for direct legal representation.

The grants to two organizations are part of a bigger $9 million project that aims to provide lawyers to 2,600 children. The move comes after the number of unaccompanied Central American children arriving on the U.S.-Mexico border more than doubled this past year, many of them fleeing violence.

House Judiciary Committee Chairman Bob Goodlatte said the funding violates federal law “and only makes the problem worse by encouraging more illegal immigration in the future.” He urged the government to focus its efforts on deterring future border crossers.

Most of the nearly 60,000 unaccompanied children who arrived on the border in the last year don’t have attorneys, and immigrant advocates have been scrambling to secure grant funding and ramp up efforts to recruit and train pro bono lawyers to take on their cases.

After being detained by federal authorities, children are placed in shelters overseen by the Department of Health and Human Services until they can be released to a relative or sponsor in the United States. The children are then given a date to appear in immigration court for deportation proceedings, though many will seek to remain in the country by applying for asylum or other forms of immigration relief.

In the past, Wolfe’s agency has funded know-your-rights presentations, legal screenings and efforts to recruit and train pro bono lawyers, but not direct legal representation, he said. The grants issued to the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops and U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants for legal services in cities including Los Angeles, Houston and Miami would be formally announced later in the week, Wolfe said.

Kevin Appleby, director of migration policy for the bishops’ organization, said the funding is an important first step. “It is a recognition that many of these children have valid protection claims and they need legal help to navigate the process,” he said.

Immigrants are allowed to have counsel in immigration courts, but lawyers are not guaranteed or provided at government expense. Immigrant advocates have filed a federal lawsuit in Seattle demanding the government provide attorneys for the children.

Having a lawyer can make a big difference: While almost half of children with attorneys were allowed to remain in the country, only 10 percent of those without representation were allowed to stay, according to an analysis of cases through June by the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University.

Earlier this year, the Justice Department announced plans to enroll about 100 lawyers and paralegals as members of AmeriCorps to provide legal assistance to unaccompanied immigrant children.

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US government funds lawyers for immigrant children
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