Lawyers: Detained immigrant families in Texas offered bonds

DALLAS (AP) — Attorneys say the federal government is loosening its crackdown on offering bonds for Central American immigrant mothers and children seeking asylum in the U.S., a shift that comes after a federal judge ordered a halt to a detention strategy aimed at deterring other illegal crossings. Immigrant advocates say the effect so far has been minimal: Most families can’t afford to post bond anyway.

Lawyers say immigrants at the more than 500-bed facility in Karnes City say that the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement has this week been offering bonds, but many are as high as $7,500.

“It is a change to see ICE setting bond at all — that’s a whole change in position that is important. It’s just that the bonds that ICE is setting are prohibitively high and seem to be across the board,” said Denise Gilman, director of the University of Texas at Austin School of Law’s Immigration Clinic, a co-counsel in the lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union.

“Many of the families will not be able to pay that bond. So in practical effect, for many families, it’s essentially an ongoing detention order,” she said, adding, “Most people are still going to have to go into court, just like they did before, which is unfortunate.”

Gilman said that’s a process that can take weeks or months.

When ICE doesn’t give bond during a custody determination or sets one an immigrant thinks is too high, that person can go before an immigration judge, who Gilman said often did give bond or released people on their own recognizance. She said the injunction could lead the judges to set even lower bonds now.

The preliminary injunction Feb. 20 came against ICE’s policy of detaining Central American mothers and children seeking U.S. asylum. Washington-based Judge James Boasberg wrote that the Obama administration’s “current policy of considering deterrence is likely unlawful, and … causes irreparable harm to mothers and children seeking asylum.”

“Incantation of the magic words ‘national security’ without further substantiation is simply not enough to justify significant deprivations of liberty,” he said.

Boasberg did note that the Department of Homeland Security “hotly disputed” denying release to all, and he was reluctant to find an “across the board” policy since it appeared people were released in some cases. But he said experts and attorneys have said ICE has been “largely denying release to Central American mothers accompanied by minor children since June 2014.”

ICE did not respond to requests for comment Friday on changes in policy related to the injunction.

One effect of the injunction, Gilman noted, is that when immigrants appeal ICE’s decisions to the, officials are no longer submitting “fat evidentiary packets that had asserted that the ongoing detention of women and children was necessary to deter mass migration.”

“We think that … the bonds can probably be set considerably lower or that they can be released on their own recognizance,” said Judy Rabinovitz, deputy director of the ACLU’s Immigrants’ Rights Project.

Mohammad Abdollahi, advocacy director for the Texas-based Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services, said his organization sees the high bond amounts being set by ICE as another way to try to discourage people to seek asylum.

Attorneys in immigration court this week in San Antonio discovered that ICE had given their clients bonds between $4,000 and $7,500.

“That’s the first time we’ve heard that in seven months,” immigration attorney Linda Brandmiller told the San Antonio Express-News after hearing an ICE prosecutor tell one lawyer that his client had been given a bond.

San Antonio immigration attorney Eric Bernal said three of his clients — all mothers from Central America who had been in detention since January — received bonds Thursday. “It’s directly related to (the judge’s decision), because they’ve been fighting us tooth and nail,” he said.

In response to the surge of migrants, the all-male Karnes facility, about 50 miles southeast of San Antonio, was converted to housing women and children. ICE also opened a facility in Dilley, and the two are holding a combined 886 women and children. Another such facility for women and children is in Pennsylvania.

___

Information from: San Antonio Express-News, http://www.mysanantonio.com

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Monkey Cage: Opposition to immigration reform is a winning strategy for Republicans

Some Republicans are so opposed to immigration reform that they are willing to withhold funding for Department of Homeland Security just to fight back against President Obama’s executive order on immigration. To many observers, this in politically foolish. In their minds, the country’s increasing racial diversity makes it risky to oppose immigration reform.

This argument makes some sense. Immigrants and other minorities tend to care a lot about immigration and they tend to favor the Democratic Party on the issue. Recent polls indicate that Latino approval of President Obama went up markedly after he issued his executive order on immigration.

So why don’t Republicans get it? The answer is that Republicans’ opposition to immigration reform actually represents a winning strategy, not a losing one. Here’s why.

Republicans win or lose largely depending on white voters. Whites still make up the vast majority of voters – some 75 percent in 2014 – and whites tend to favor the Republican Party by large margins. Republican congressional candidates garnered 60 percent of the white vote in 2014. All told, 89 percent of all Republican votes in 2014 came from white voters. Put simply, the Republican Party doesn’t really need the minority vote.

Moreover, whites also increasingly care about immigration. A new book by Marisa Abrajano and myself reveals the significant impact immigration has had on white party politics.

We find that white views on immigration are correlated with their partisan identity and their electoral choices. In the last midterm, for example, 75 percent of Americans who felt that most illegal immigrants should be deported voted for Republican candidates. By contrast, only 35 percent of those who favored a chance for undocumented immigrants to apply for legal status favored Republicans. As I show in research with Michael Rivera, the relationship between attitudes on immigration and white vote choice holds even after accounting for the other factors that we think affect how people vote.

But does this correlation imply causation? To answer that more difficult question, we looked to see if attitudes on immigration at one point in time predicted changes in partisanship later on. The answer is yes. To be sure, the effect is not large — but even small individual shifts in partisanship, once repeated over the course of decades, can become massive electoral shifts over time.

In another study, Marisa Abrajano, Hans Hassell, and I showed that reporting on immigration was associated with shifts in the overall share of white Democrats and white Republicans in the electorate. It does, and to a startling degree. The more media coverage of immigration is negative, the larger the share of white Republicans in the electorate.

By any measure, fears of immigration are driving many white Americans to the Republican Party.  And, indeed, the Republican strategy on immigration appears to have been successful. Republicans now control the House and the Senate, the governor’s office in 31 states, and two-thirds of the state legislatures. They are winning the political war.

But what about the future? Isn’t a Republican Party demise all but inevitable when whites lose their majority status toward the middle of this century? The short answer is probably not.

Turnout is one factor. Low Latino and Asian American turnout means that whites will likely still be a majority of voters long after they cease to be a majority of the national population.

An even bigger factor is that the ties of racial and ethnic minorities to the Democratic Party are tenuous. Research by Taeku Lee and myself shows that most Latinos and Asian Americans don’t feel like they fit into either party. In national surveys, those who refuse to answer a question about party identification, those who claim that they do not think in partisan terms, and independents make up the clear majority of both groups. All told, 56 percent of Latinos and 57 percent of Asian-American identify as nonpartisans.

Even among blacks, there are signs of ambivalence. Almost 30 percent of blacks feel that the Democratic Party does not work hard for black interests.

Add to all of this the fact that voters of all racial stripes tend to have short memories and it is clear that the Republican Party can continue its anti-immigration stance well into the future. Republicans will probably relent and agree to fund the Department of Homeland Security but don’t look for them to relent on immigration anytime soon.

Zoltan L. Hajnal is a professor of political science at the University of California, San Diego, and a co-author of “White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American politics.”

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David Shapell dies at 94; immigrant was devoted to Holocaust remembrance

David Shapell, a Jewish immigrant from Poland who became a successful California real estate developer and gave millions of dollars to organizations focused on Holocaust remembrance, has died. He was 94.

Shapell was hospitalized in Tel Aviv while he and his wife, Fela, were visiting Israel to celebrate the birth of a great-grandchild. Suffering from lung cancer and pneumonia, he died Feb. 8, his daughter Rochelle Shapell said.

Shapell, his brother Nathan and his brother-in-law Max Webb started Shapell Industries, a firm that over five decades built some 70,000 homes throughout the state. The company, whose projects included Porter Ranch in the San Fernando Valley, was sold in 2014 for about $1.6 billion.

In 1979, Shapell’s three children persuaded him and his wife to revisit the Polish hometowns that held painful memories for them. Fela, who was imprisoned in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, was from the town of Auschwitz. Shapell was from Wolbrom, where the Nazis removed several thousand Jews and shot the remaining 300 men after marching them to a mass grave. His father was probably among them.

At the site of the mass killing, David Shapell saw signs of recent digging — apparently the work of treasure hunters who believed that Jewish murder victims might have carried gold and jewels to their deaths.

“What he did afterward was so symbolic of his personality,” Shapell’s son Irvin said. “He somehow found a way to get the gravesite cemented over so there could be no further digging.”

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Goldman Sachs Star: Undocumented Immigrant Julissa Arce

(Bloomberg) — Bloomberg’s Max Abelson reports on undocumented immigrant Julissa Arce and how she became a star at Goldman Sachs. He speaks on “In The Loop.” (Source: Bloomberg)

All multimedia: {AV } To contact the producer and editor: Hans Ten Broeke +1-212-617-7855 or avamericas@bloomberg.net

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Immigration to Britain rises in pre-election blow to PM Cameron

* Net immigration rose 40 percent in year to Sept

* Govt had pledged to slash numbers moving to Britain

* Anti-immigration UKIP has risen in polls (Adds Cameron’s spokeswoman, poll, graphic)

By Kylie MacLellan

LONDON, Feb 26 (Reuters) – The number of people moving to Britain surged last year, an embarrassment for Prime Minister David Cameron, whose Conservatives had pledged to cut net annual migration to the tens of thousands, close to a national election.

Official data published on Thursday showed a net 298,000 people moved to Britain in the year to September 2014, a 40 percent rise from the previous 12 months and more than when the Conservative-led coalition government took power in 2010.

With polls showing the Conservatives neck-and-neck with the opposition Labour party ahead of the May 7 vote and immigration one of voters’ top concerns, the rise is awkward for Cameron. His party is also under pressure from the UK Independence Party (UKIP), which favours strong curbs on immigration.

Both Labour and UKIP said Cameron’s immigration pledge was now “in tatters.”

“This government’s policy is fatally holed beneath the water line and is sinking fast,” said UKIP migration spokesman Steven Woolfe, describing the numbers as “absolutely staggering.”

A ComRes poll for ITV on Thursday showed UKIP was by far the most trusted party to control immigration, and 40 percent of Britons said immigration had a negative impact on the economy.

A spokeswoman for Cameron said the figures were “disappointing” but that the government had taken several steps to tackle the levels of migration and the prime minister did not regret making the promise.

“He thinks it is in the interests of our country, that we will have a better, stronger country if we had lower net migration,” she said.

Cameron, who has pledged to re-negotiate Britain’s ties with the EU ahead of a 2017 membership referendum if re-elected, has set out plans to restrict EU migrants’ access to welfare benefit payments in a bid to make it less attractive to come to Britain.

Releasing its final migration data before the election, Britain’s Office for National Statistics (ONS) said the number of EU citizens coming to Britain increased by 43,000 to 251,000 during the period.

The number of immigrants from Romania and Bulgaria, whose restrictions on working in Britain were removed on Jan. 1 last year, was 37,000, up from 24,000 over the same period in 2013.

With British economic growth outpacing most of the EU it has become an increasingly appealing destination for those seeking work. The ONS said that between October and December 2014 employment of EU nationals in Britain was 269,000 higher than a year earlier.

(Editing by Andrew Osborn and Catherine Evans)

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Obama defends immigration policy in Telemundo town hall

Washington (CNN)President Barack Obama called out Republicans in Congress for “holding hostage” funding for the Department of Homeland Security, while challenging Americans to change the political environment that has caused immigration reform to stall during a town hall meeting on Wednesday.

The agency in charge of implementing immigration policy, among other duties, is scheduled to run out of funding Friday if the GOP-controlled Congress can’t agree to a funding bill.

READ: DHS impasse down to the wire in Congress

Judge blocks Obama's order on immigration Judge blocks Obama's order on immigration

“Instead of trying to hold hostage funding for the Department of Homeland Security, which is so important for our national security, fund that and let’s get on with actually passing comprehensive immigration reform,” Obama said at the event, aired on Telemundo and MSNBC, and hosted by José Díaz-Balart, an anchor on both channels.

The meeting was announced in the days following a ruling last week from a federal district court judge that temporarily blocked Obama’s executive action on immigration.The White House said it was a chance for the President to reach the Hispanic community, taking questions from online and members of the audience.

During the event, the President called on voters to make immigration reform a successful social movement — and a key issue in the next presidential election.

    “Every major social movement, every bit of progress in this country, whether it’s been the workers’ rights movement or the civil rights movement or the women’s rights movement, every single bit of that progress had required us to fight and to push and you make progress,” Obama said. “You don’t get everything right away, and then you push some more.”

    The President also defended the legality of his executive action, but said that passing comprehensive reform in Congress should be the end goal. When asked about the failure of Congress to pass legislation he laid the blame squarely on the GOP.

    “You do a disservice when you suggest that no one was doing anything, then you don’t know who was fighting for and against you,” Obama said. “The Democratic Party has been consistent. A few Republicans have supported it but let’s be clear the reason why we don’t have a bill is because [House Speaker] John Boehner wouldn’t call a vote.”

    Obama offered praise for 2016 Republican presidential hopeful Jeb Bush.

    “I appreciate Mr. Bush being concerned about immigration reform,” he said. “I would suggest that what he do is talk to the speaker of the House and the members of his party.”

    One question for Obama came from a young veteran, Eric Narvaez, who said he was medically discharged from the military after fighting in Afghanistan.

    “I come back home and only to find out that I’m fighting another war with my mother, tryin’ to keep her here,” he said.

    Obama told him he was confident the veteran’s mother would qualify for the executive action program that the judge has blocked.

    The question illustrated the personal nature of the event, with many of the questions coming from people whose lives would be deeply affected by the executive actions Obama has championed.

    The White House has repeatedly said it has the authority to utilize “prosecutorial discretion” when deporting undocumented immigrants, focusing law enforcement efforts on those who represent a danger to society. When asked about Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers who don’t adhere to this policy, Obama said there would be consequences for those who don’t follow orders.

    But the event also showed the complex nature of the issue and much of the President’s time was spent explaining the limits of his own power.

    “In order for us to get absolute certainty that it’s gonna be permanent and not just temporary, that it doesn’t just last during my administration and then get reversed by the next president, is we’ve gotta pass a bill,” Obama said. “It means that, for the next set of presidential candidates … when they start asking for votes, the first question should be, ‘Do you really intend to deport 11 million people?’”

    Obama told the audience, when it comes to voting, staying home is not an option.

    “Everybody here and everybody watching also has responsibilities, and one of those responsibilities is voting for people who advocate on behalf of the things that you care about,” he said.

    Looking ahead to 2016 and beyond, he called on young people in the audience to look to the future.

    “At some point there’s gonna be a President Rodriguez or there’s gonna be a President Chin,” Obama said drawing applause. “The country is a nation of immigrants and ultimately it will reflect who we are and its politics will reflect who we are. And that’s not something to be afraid of.”

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Will John Boehner Back Down on Immigration?

The most ominous development in the congressional showdown over homeland security funding and immigration came on Wednesday morning, when Speaker John Boehner made an odd admission to his House Republican troops: He hadn’t spoken to Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, in more than two weeks.

Funding for the Department of Homeland Security expires at midnight on Friday, but even as that deadline approached, the two top Republicans in Congress hadn’t exchanged a word, much less agreed on a plan to resolve the impasse. A day earlier, McConnell had signaled he would cave to Democratic demands that he bring up a straight-forward spending bill for DHS, stripped of the offending House-passed immigration provisions that had caused the standoff in the first place. Boehner’s disclosure, made in a private GOP meeting and quickly passed on to reporters, was a way of showing angry House conservatives that he had played no part in McConnell’s scheme.

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See also

How Republicans Made Their Own Security-Funding Mess


What Happens If Homeland Security Shuts Down

Could it all be an exaggerated, good-cop-bad-cop routine? Sure. Aides to Boehner and McConnell have always insisted they work exceedingly well together, better even than previous GOP leadership pairs (most notably, Newt Gingrich and Bob Dole in the mid-1990s). And when Boehner spoke to reporters on Wednesday, he noted that their staffs had been in contact, so it’s not as if the speaker is ignorant of his Senate counterpart’s machinations. Politically, the newly-elevated McConnell is in a stronger position within his conference than Boehner, who won re-election despite some two dozen GOP defections last month.

Yet the whole episode reeks of the one thing McConnell promised to fix when Republicans assumed the majority: dysfunction. “There’s trouble in paradise,” remarked Dick Durbin, the second-ranking Senate Democrat, when he was asked about the lack of communication between Boehner and McConnell. Most Republicans have realized for weeks that the party would eventually have to fold, or at least punt, on the DHS funding fight. McConnell simply decided to move first, and end the standoff. As a token to conservatives, he announced the Senate would also advance a separate bill reversing President Obama’s immigration actions. Split off from the DHS measure, though, that vote would be largely symbolic. Some Republicans had hoped that a Texas federal judge’s ruling to block the president’s policy would resolve the impasse in Congress, but conservatives say it merely emboldens them to stand their ground.

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Senate Democrats, understandably suspicious of the GOP’s motives, initially balked at McConnell’s offer to have a clean vote and demanded Boehner’s assurance that it would pass the House in time to avert a partial DHS shutdown. But after the speaker refused, Minority Leader Harry Reid relented, and Democrats dropped their filibuster of the House bill.

“Republicans are blamed for anything that makes people unhappy.”

With the Senate now moving toward passage of a clean DHS measure ahead of Friday’s deadline, the crucial decision once again falls to Boehner: Does he risk the wrath of conservatives by bringing up a spending bill that does nothing to stop Obama? Or does he try to fashion a stopgap measure that keeps the department fully functioning and buys Republicans a few more weeks? “If they send back a clean DHS bill, I don’t see us passing it,” Representative John Fleming, a Louisiana conservative, told me on Wednesday. “Our base wants us to fight.”

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Fleming predicted Boehner would pay a “huge political price” if he buckled to Democrats after vowing the House would fight Obama’s immigration move “tooth and nail.” Yet party leaders are well aware of polls showing that the public would blame the GOP if DHS shut down, just as voters faulted Republicans when the entire federal government shuttered in 2013. It’s a reminder conservatives like Fleming are tired of hearing. “Republicans are blamed for anything that makes people unhappy,” he said.

This article was originally published at http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/02/will-republicans-back-down-on-immigration/386093/?UTM_SOURCE=yahoo

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Immigration Street 'fractures' area








Derby Road in SouthamptonFilming took place last year in the Bevois area of Southampton


Residents living in an area of Southampton shown in the controversial programme Immigration Street have said it has left the community “fractured” and fearing a backlash.

The Channel 4 documentary broadcast on Tuesday night – a follow-up to Benefits Street – was filmed in Derby Road.

The programme showed scenes of interviewees being threatened and film crews pelted with eggs and grit.

Resident Ali Begg said he felt “totally disappointed” after watching the show.

Mr Begg said: “There is going to be a lot of backlash mainly on the anti-Muslim and the anti-Islamic stance that they have put up.

“They’ve shown us in a really bad light where they are saying that people are threatening them – but hang on, you provoked that. I’m not saying that’s right but we did say ‘don’t come here’.

“I don’t think it shows a true reflection.”

Ofcom said it had received one complaint about the programme.

A spokesman for the media watchdog said: “Someone got in touch to say it was a poorly made programme. We will assess this complaint before deciding whether to investigate or not.”


Derby Road residents in meetingMany of the residents in the street were against the show

Immigration Street had been due to be a series but was changed to a one hour-long documentary after filming was disrupted by protests.

Pat O’Dell, from Newtown Residents’ Association, said: “It was cleverly edited to bring in the violence. It’s had such an effect on the community.

“It’s caused a fracture in the community and brought mistrust – now we’ve got to work to try and get it back together again.”

Love Productions, the company behind the programme, said the film aimed to capture contemporary life on an ethnically diverse street in Southampton.

Producer Kieran Smith said the film used “ordinary people and their lives to start a debate about immigration”.

“Derby Road is a place that’s been transformed by immigration it’s a place where immigrants still come and make their home,” Mr Smith said.

Hampshire Constabulary said it was stepping up patrols in the area to reassure residents.

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‘We have allowed segregation to happen’: children of non-Irish background being schooled apart


One in nine primary school children comes from a non-Irish background but just a small number of schools cater for most of these children, an analysis of Irish primary school data has found.


Information collected during the Department of Education’s annual census for the school year 2013-2014 shows 23 per cent of Irish schools educated almost 80 per cent of children of immigrant origin.


In 20 schools more than two-thirds of pupils came from a non-Irish background, while in two Dublin schools nine in every 10 pupils came from an immigrant background in 2013-2014. Almost three in 10 schools (29 per cent) had no immigrant-origin children enrolled in the same period, however. The clustering of children from immigrant backgrounds in schools has led principals, academics and the Immigrant Parents and Guardians Support Association to call for more to be done to improve integration in schools.

Concentration of children of non-Irish origin in primary schools


Orange icon = Schools with over 66% of pupils of non-Irish origin

Blue icon = Greater than average level of pupils of non-Irish origin

Yellow icon = Lower than average level of pupils of non-Irish origin
(Average share of non-Irish pupils in schools = 11.1%)


The analysis must be taken in the context of settlement patterns that mean migrant families are more likely to live in urban areas where more work is available and in places with affordable rental accommodation. Newly arrived immigrants may also choose to live in areas where members of their community have networks.


Those who express concern about integration in primary schools say that, while the State cannot dictate where people live, it can change enrolment policies that discriminate against immigrant families. They point to school waiting lists and to schools that favour pupils of a particular religious ethos as particularly problematic.


The law says it is the responsibility of the management of a school to implement an enrolment policy in accordance with the Education Act 1998, which must be non-discriminatory and applied fairly to all applicants. Parents have the right to choose which school to apply to, and, where the school has places available, the pupil should be admitted.


However, where there are more applicants than places – which was the case in 20 per cent of schools in 2009 – selection criteria are up to the schools themselves. This means schools that have more applicants than places can admit a student of a particular religion (or other criteria) in preference to other students.


Colette Kavanagh is principal of Esker Educate Together School in Lucan, one of a number of schools there that have higher-than-average percentages of children of migrant families. She says equality of access to public primary schools is compromised by the implementation of what she sees as these discriminatory, although legal, admission policies.


Although she says public schools of all patronages accept children of all faiths and nationalities when they have space, “when schools become oversubscribed, enrolment policiescome into effect. When a newcomer family [of a different religious ethos to that of the school] attempts to enrol a child in their local school, they may find that there are difficulties in obtaining a place,” she says. Schools being very oversubscribed can result in children being admitted on a first-come, first-served basis, which, she says, affects families that have recently moved to an area.


“Newer schools, set up to cater for burgeoning populations . . . generally are the schools that have vacant spaces, creating a situation where new schools have much higher percentages of newcomer children than older schools in the locality.


“This has implications for integration in local communities and in the country in general,” she says, adding that if newcomer families are not getting the opportunity to mix with Irish families through the school, this further limits the development of integrated communities.


 


Fear of the unknown


Tony McGinley is the principal at St John the Evangelist School in Adamstown, just south of Lucan, Co Dublin, which is one of two schools nationally in which more than 90 per cent of pupils in the 2013-2014 school year were of immigrant origin. He says other factors may also be at play. “People think because we look different, therefore we must be different,” he says. “For some [parents] it is easier to go with the more established schools”. These fears would appear to be unfounded: St John the Evangelist School performs better than average in literacy tests, according to McGinley, thanks to language support and teaching methods practised at the school.


Dr Karl Kitching of the school of education in University College Cork says more in-depth, qualitative research on students of specific ethnic, national and religious backgrounds is needed here.


However, there are anecdotal examples of the clustering effect. Educate Together principal Tom Moriarty, in a submission to the Committee on Education and Social Protection wrote: “There are schools in Dublin existing side by side where one is almost completely international in nature and the other is exclusively Irish . . . Essentially we are looking at racial segregation.”


In 2013, an Irish-based NGO, the Integration Centre, did a micro-survey of nine schools in three catchment areas in Galway, Cork and Dublin. The now disbanded organisation (it has since consolidated its activities with the Immigrant Council to reduce costs) found that in each of the three areas examined, one of the three schools catered to a higher proportion of immigrant-origin children than the other schools in the area.


Given the small sample, the study is far from comprehensive but the organisation’s former chief executive Killian Forde says it backs up anecdotal evidence that, “where there are two or more schools in a given area, one is predominantly migrant”. He added that, while the State cannot dictate where people choose to live, “it can be more assertive in ensuring that people mix in schools. The problem with clustering . . . is that it takes hold and, once it takes hold, it’s impossible to undo. It’s like trying to unscramble an egg.”


Mary Ryan, one of the founders of the English Language Support Teachers’ Association and the Immigrant Parents and Guardians Support Association, fears the policies in place in the primary system are “paving the way towards a society which is racist and further polarised. We have allowed segregation to happen and the long-term consequences are frightening.”


 


Common enrolment


Some schools are trying to tackle the problem. Four Lucan schools under the multidenominational Educate Together patronage have devised a common enrolment system to promote inclusivity as well as practical considerations such as mobility and traffic management in the area. The system prioritises children according to age, with older children given priority. Those with siblings already enrolled in a school, and a family’s proximity to the school, are also taken into consideration.


“Schools should not be part of a social trend towards polarisation on ethnic grounds,” says Paul Rowe, the chief executive of Educate Together.


The Department of Education has long recognised the problems facing immigrant families. A 2008 audit of school enrolment policies was followed by a discussion document in 2011, one of the main objectives of which was to encourage best practice and consistency through regulating admissions policies and processes.


The department is considering a report by the Committee on Education and Social Protection, in parallel with drafting the Admission to Schools Bill. It found “multiple patronage and ethos as a basis for policy can lead to segregation and inequality in the education system” and said the objectives of admission policy should be equality and integration.


It also found the use of waiting lists can lead to discrimination against newcomers to an area, “discrimination [which] should be addressed sooner rather than later”.


In a submission to the Committee on Education and Social Protection the then ombudsman for children, Emily Logan, said denominational schools should not have the right to discriminate on the basis of children’s religion. However, while the committee noted the point made by the ombudsman and others, it also referred to those who claim the Constitution protects the position of denomination-based education and that there is potential tension between Articles 42 (Education) and 44 (Religion) of the Constitution, posing a particular difficulty for legislating this policy area.


A spokeswoman for the Department of Education says its “firm view” is all schools should be inclusive, something she says is reflected in the admissions Bill, the drafting of which is at “an advanced stage”. The Bill, however, still allows schools to protect their ethos and admit pupils on the basis of religion. She says the Bill and its associated regulations “should see improved access to schools for all pupils and ensure there is consistency, fairness and transparency in the admissions policies of schools and in the service they provide to parents”.

Source Article from http://www.irishtimes.com/news/education/we-have-allowed-segregation-to-happen-children-of-non-irish-background-being-schooled-apart-1.2109973
‘We have allowed segregation to happen’: children of non-Irish background being schooled apart
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