Speaker: Immigration overhaul tough to pass

WASHINGTON (AP) — Speaker John Boehner on Thursday all but ruled out passage of immigration legislation before this fall’s elections, saying it would be difficult for the Republican-led House to act on the issue that President Barack Obama has made a top domestic priority.

In his most pessimistic comments, Boehner blamed the stalemate on widespread skepticism that Obama would properly enforce any immigration reforms that Congress approved. The GOP leader didn’t mention that his own members have balked at acting on the contentious issue, which could enrage core conservative voters in the midterm election year.

“The American people, including many of our members, don’t trust that the reform we’re talking about will be implemented as it was intended to be,” Boehner told reporters at his weekly news conference. “The president seems to change the health care law on a whim, whenever he likes. Now, he is running around the country telling everyone he’s going to keep acting on his own.”

Just last week, Boehner and other House Republican leaders had unveiled broad principles for immigration changes, including legal status for the estimated 11 million immigrants living here illegally, tougher border security and a shot at citizenship for children brought to the country illegally.

National Republicans see the failure to act on immigration as a political drag on the party after 2012 presidential nominee Mitt Romney captured just 27 percent of the Hispanic vote, and they are pressing for action to moderate the party’s image. The principles endorsed last week were seen as a congressional jump-start for an issue that had been stalled since Senate passage of a comprehensive, bipartisan bill last June.

But conservatives rebuffed their leaders and questioned the wisdom of acting this year, equating legal status with amnesty and resisting giving Obama a long-sought legislative victory. Republicans also worry about primary challenges from the right and fear that new Hispanic citizens will add to the Democrats’ voter rolls.

Control of the Senate, Republicans say, is within reach, giving them hope for greater leverage in negotiations on immigration in 2015. But the year leading up to the presidential election could be a tough one for making progress since Republican candidates tend to move right to shore up support ahead of the primaries.

The latest unraveling on immigration came quickly.

Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., who had advocated for action on immigration within his caucus, said this past weekend that passage of a bill was unlikely this year and cited distrust of Obama. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., who faces a primary challenge, said Tuesday that differences between the Senate and House were an “irresolvable conflict.”

On Thursday, shortly before House members left Washington, Boehner said, “Listen, there’s widespread doubt about whether this administration can be trusted to enforce our laws. And it’s going to be difficult to move any immigration legislation until that changes.”

Boehner said Obama has to rebuild that trust. White House spokesman Jay Carney dismissed that demand.

“The challenges within the Republican Party on this issue are well-known, and they certainly don’t have anything to do with the president,” Carney said.

House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., said she was willing to give Boehner time to succeed. Democrats could try to force the issue later this year, rounding up support to require a vote on the Senate-passed bill.

“Just knowing him, I believe he does want an immigration bill,” Pelosi said of Boehner. “I do believe he does not want to be the speaker who says, ‘I’ll do an immigration bill as long as it creates an underclass in America.’”

The Senate last June passed a bipartisan bill that would tighten border security, provided enforcement measures and offer a path to citizenship for those living in the United States illegally.

The measure stalled in the House, where Boehner and other leaders have rejected a comprehensive approach in favor of a bill-by-bill process.

Boehner’s comments raising doubts about the prospects for action on immigration legislation this year angered advocacy groups.

“I wish I could say I was surprised Speaker John Boehner is blaming President Obama for his own unwillingness to act on immigration reform,” said Eddie Carmona, campaign manager for PICO National Network’s Campaign for Citizenship. “The truth is, the speaker has, time and time again, proven that he would rather pander to the extreme portions of his party than work to achieve a bipartisan solution for an issue that impacts countless families and communities across the country.”

Rocio Saenz, the Service Employees International Union’s executive vice president, said Republicans have a choice: “They can pander to a small, extremist arm of the GOP and follow them into the political wilderness or they can do the right thing for our nation and pass immigration reform.”

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., said he didn’t “blame Boehner alone. Because the Senate Republican leader threw cold water on this,” a reference to McConnell’s comments.

Yet Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., who worked to ensure passage of the Senate bill, said “I’m still optimistic that we’ll get this done.”

Though Obama has threatened to act on his own if Congress does not move on some of his other priorities, Carney signaled that Obama was not prepared to act unilaterally on immigration.

“There’s no alternative to comprehensive immigration reform passing through Congress,” Carney said. “It requires legislation. And the president’s made that clear in the past, and that continues to be his view.”

___

Associated Press writers David Espo, Stephen Ohlemacher and Jim Kuhnhenn contributed to this report.

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Immigration Reform Takes a Hit

Joins us now with more.

What is it that boehner said that kind of changes the picture here?

He just wrapped up his weekly news conference, and at that news conference, he made pretty clear that a couple things have to happen before republicans move forward on immigration.

He was waiting to get feedback from members.

By and large, any things is conference is supportive of these ideas moving forward on immigration reform, but he went on to say that he does not think the president has built up enough trust.

And any basically — and he basically said the president has not proven he can be trusted.

He was not able to be trusted on health care so why should he be trusted on immigration?

Take a listen.

I have made clear for 15 months the need for the congress and the administration to work together on immigration reform.

It needs to get done.

I am going to continue to talk to my members about how to move forward.

He said members are saying why would we risk our chances of taking back the senate this year and introduce this issue in an election year when we are looking pretty good on issues like obamacare?

That is privately what a lot of americans are — that is privately what a lot of members are telling him.

I’m having a little trouble understanding why the republican party would decide to do this now.

We know the struggle met romney had in recruiting hispanics.

It is widely cited — and other immigrant groups, for that reason — widely cited as one of the reasons he lost the election to obama.

Why would they want to take another chance on immigration heading into the midterm elections?

These are not presidential elections.

These are elections historically won or lost based on grassroots base.

Even though the elite republican establishment in washington wants to do immigration reform, the republican base is very resistant to this.

I think what we are seeing happen is that base rise up and tell john boehner we do not want to do this.

We are not going to do this this year.

And if you demoralize us, maybe we won’t show up in november.

Is it not possible that that is tricky calculus?

Peter, jump in here.

To the point you make, this is all about the base.

I thought winning elections was all about captivating the swing vote.

I agree that this midterm election is a very different outfit for republicans than the presidential election and these guys are worried about their jobs more than anything else of this point.

The one thing i was going to add to the conversation is that this does put pressure on the administration to try to respond.

What can they do to light the fire, bring it back to the table?

Chuck schumer would love to see this done within this election year for political reasons and otherwise.

We will wait to see how democrats respond.

Do they think john boehner killed this or can they in some way revive that?

Do you think this is a bargaining tactic on john boehner’s part?

I think this is john boehner coming up with the reason why not to move forward with immigration reform, winning in on president obama and satisfying his republican colleagues in the house and the senate that they do not want to rock the boat in this election year.

They think they can win if they don’t bring immigration into the mix.

They think it would suck oxygen from the health-care debate and they know they can win on that ground.

I’ve always thought there was a better chance to do immigration reform in 2015 man this year.

I think the developments today kind of reiterate that.

Next year we will be looking ahead at a presidential election, a national election,

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House conservatives rule out immigration this year

WASHINGTON (AP) — Conservative Republicans on Wednesday ruled out any immigration legislation in the House this year, insisting that the GOP should wait until next year when the party might also control the Senate.

House GOP leaders unveiled their broad immigration principles last week that gave hope to advocates and the Obama administration that the first changes in the nation’s laws in three decades might happen in the coming months.

Immigration legislation is one of the top priorities for Obama’s second term.

But several of the conservatives were adamant that the House should do nothing on the issue this year, a midterm election year when the GOP is angling to gain six seats in the Senate and seize majority control. Democrats currently have a 55-45 advantage but are defending more seats, including ones in Republican-leaning states.

“I think it’s a mistake for us to have an internal battle in the Republican Party this year about immigration reform,” Rep. Raul Labrador, R-Idaho, told reporters at a gathering of conservatives. “I think when we take back the Senate in 2014 one of the first things we should do next year after we do certain economic issues, I think we should address the immigration issue.”

Labrador’s comments were noteworthy as he was one of eight House members working on bipartisan immigration legislation last year. He later abandoned the negotiations.

“This is not an issue that’s ready for prime time to move legislatively,” said Rep. Joe Barton, R-Texas, who said Republicans should use the principles to begin a dialogue with Hispanics.

Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, said the House should focus on the four bills dealing with security that the Judiciary Committee approved last summer. Absent any action on those bills, Jordan said it would be tough to do any immigration legislation this year.

The definitive statements from the conservatives came as Douglas Elmendorf, the head of the Congressional Budget Office, told a House panel that the comprehensive, Senate-passed immigration bill would have a positive impact on the nation’s finances.

The Senate last June passed a bipartisan bill that would tighten border security, provide enforcement measures and offer a path to citizenship for the estimated 11 million immigrants living in the United States illegally.

The measure has stalled in the House where Speaker John Boehner and other leaders have rejected a comprehensive approach in favor of a bill-by-bill process.

Elmendorf told the House Budget Committee that a CBO analysis “found that that legislation would reduce budget deficits and lead to a larger economy and over time lead to higher output per person in this country.”

Specifically, he said additional workers, especially high-skilled, highly educated employees, would increase the nation’s tax revenues.

The House leaders’ broad principles would tighten border and interior security, establish a verification system for employers and legalize some of the 11 million immigrants. It would not provide a special path to citizenship to those living here illegally, though it would give children brought to the country by their parents a shot a citizenship.

Conservatives have said they distrust Obama to enforce any new law, citing his waivers and suspensions of provisions on the health care law.

Boehner said Tuesday that Republicans were discussing “whether we should proceed, if we proceed and how we would proceed. It’s also clear from our members that we believe that securing our borders has to be the first step in this process.”

But he added that conversations are continuing and “no decision’s been made.”

Further tamping down any optimism for legislation this year was Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., who told reporters that differences between the Senate’s comprehensive approach and the House’s piecemeal strategy were an “irresolvable conflict.”

“I don’t see how you get to an outcome this year with the two bodies in such a different place,” McConnell told reporters.

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Republicans Were Open to Immigration Reform for About a Week

You can consider immigration reform dead, again. Just a week after House Republican leaders circulated their plan to provide a path to legal status for undocumented adults, Senate Republicans have proclaimed it’s not worth pursuing. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, who supports comprehensive reform and sponsored the Senate’s now-dead Gang of Eight bill, said Tuesday,

I think we have sort of an irresolvable conflict here. The Senate insists on comprehensive [legislation]. The House says it won’t go to conference with the Senate on comprehensive and wants to look at [it] step by step. I don’t see how you get to an outcome this year with the two bodies in such a different place.

House Speaker John Boehner and House Majority Leader Eric Cantor offered a plan that would include a path to legal status, but not citizenship, for illegal adults. Dreamers, or the children of undocumented immigrants, would be offered a path to citizenship under the House plan. This is not as comprehensive as the bipartisan Gang of Eight bill. 

So neither plan will gain momentum before the midterm elections. Now that Senate Republicans are gunning for the majority in November 2014, they don’t see the need to work with House Republicans or the President on an immigration deal. Republican Sen. Marco Rubio, who was originally part of the gang of eight, has since backed away from reform. He blames President Obama. While he thinks most Americans can agree on the House Republicans’ plan, he says there’s “a sincere lack of trust, well-grounded, that this administration will enforce the security components of it no matter how they’re written.” He’s referring to the fact that reform activists have called for Obama to stop deportations whether or not reform happens. The administration says it has no plans to stop deportations of illegal adults. 

RELATED: Actor Tells Unbelievable Story About Helping Bill Clinton Score with Elizabeth Hurley

In the House, some Republican members are now threatening to fire Boehner if he brings immigration reform to the floor. Rep. Raúl Labrador told Roll Call on Tuesday evening

I think it should cost [Boehner] his speakership. … There is a hunger in the conference for bold, visionary leaders, and this is not just conservatives … I think you’re going to see some changes here in the House over the next year. 

Rep. Justin Amash and Rep. Thomas Massie have come out and said that they would like to see Labrador as speaker. All three are members of the Tea Party. 

Sen. Ted Cruz told Robert Costa at The Washington Post on Tuesday that the time for immigration reform is 2015. He insists, “It makes utterly no sense to affirmatively, voluntarily change the topic to amnesty right before what is poised to be an historic election victory for Republicans. I guarantee you President Obama and Harry Reid are dancing in their offices at the desire of the Washington beltway crowd to light themselves on fire.” While Cruz doesn’t oppose reform, he wants Republicans to wait until they have a majority in the Senate to pursue it. Expect to hear a lot more about Obamacare and a lot less about immigration reform in the coming months. 

RELATED: The Wall Street Journal Is Pretty Bad at Data When It Wants to Attack Obamacare

This article was originally published at http://www.thewire.com/politics/2014/02/republicans-were-open-immigration-reform-about-week/357744/

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Report: Immigration agency should seek EB-5 help

SIOUX FALLS, S.D. (AP) — The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services should get help from the Department of Commerce to oversee projects funded by the federal EB-5 investment-for-green-cards immigration program, a Washington think tank says in a report released Wednesday.

The Brookings Institution’s study agreed with a December report by the Department of Homeland Security’s Inspector General that found that the visa program for foreign investors goes far beyond the immigration agency’s mission and it should better tap the business expertise of other government entities.

The program has faced some criticism because it’s been used to fund several failed projects, including the idled Northern Beef Packers plant in South Dakota and a planned hotel and conference center in Chicago.

Audrey Singer, who co-authored the Brookings Institution report, said transferring the functions of the EB-5 program that have to do with vetting business plans and determining whether an economic development project created enough jobs to the Commerce Department or another agency could make the program more efficient.

“The shared responsibility would improve the program,” said Singer, a senior fellow with the think-tank’s metropolitan policy program.

The EB-5 visa program was created in 1990 to attract foreign investment and create jobs. An investor’s primary goal is usually to obtain visas for themselves and their families, but each investment of either $500,000 or $1 million, depending on a project’s location, must create at least 10 full-time jobs.

David North, a fellow with the Center for Immigration Studies, a Washington, D.C.-based nonprofit that examines immigration policies, said EB-5 is a more difficult and more troubled program than the report indicates. North, a longtime critic of EB-5, raised ethical questions about whether the United States should essentially sell visas for a half a million dollars each.

“I really would rather have it scrapped, but if it’s going to continue, it should be revised drastically,” he said.

Drawing on the Department of Commerce’s expertise is a good idea, North said, but the immigration agency should also partner with the Securities Exchange Commission because it has more of an enforcement mentality.

North said the EB-5 program tends to draw marginal investments that can’t get traditional financing from banks, and many of the projects funded with EB-5 money probably shouldn’t be pursued.

But Singer said that many EB-5 projects are viable and that the program has been drawing more attention because traditional financing has become so challenging.

“The banks have changed their practices so dramatically that this has become a viable option,” she said. “Economic development folks are feeling the squeeze and they are looking around to improve the timing and sourcing of their funds.”

The Brookings Institution report found that the EB-5 program seems to work well when the regional centers approved to recruit foreign investors collaborate with local and regional economic development entities. An increasing number of economic development leaders have been seeking information on the program, but they have a hard time understanding how it works, Singer said.

“It’s a confusing web of intermediaries,” she said. “We also talk about the fact that there is not a lot of data to evaluate the program.”

Up to 10,000 EB-5 visas are available annually for investors and their family members. The cap has yet to be reached, but demand has been rising, with 6,600 visas issued in 2012 compared with 800 in 2007.

North said EB-5 investments make up a small part of the U.S. economy and do more to benefit the recruiters who earn commissions of $30,000 to $50,000 to find each foreign investor.

“It’s significant to the middlemen, but I’m not sure it’s terribly significant to anybody else,” North said. “Those are the guys who are really interested in this program. The impact on the nation’s economy isn’t very much.”

___

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An Immigration Compromise Worth Making

Instead of comprehensive immigration reform, House Republicans have produced a piece of paper. Their eight-paragraph statement of principles, released after a party retreat last week, is as vague as it is concise. Meanwhile, opposition to reform remains intense among many Republican voters and intellectuals, not to mention House members themselves.

All that said, these principles are encouraging for their mere existence. House Speaker John Boehner obviously wants very much to pass immigration legislation. Whether he can do so may turn on the difference between two words — “citizenship” and “legalization” — and whether House Republicans see both as synonyms for “amnesty.”

In a sense, they are right not to see any difference. Millions of foreigners are unable to pursue their dreams of coming to the U.S. because of immigration restrictions. Legalization just adds injury to their insult: It may not provide all the benefits of U.S. citizenship, but it grants a rare privilege to those who crossed the border illegally while continuing to shut out the law-abiding masses.

Sadly, U.S. immigration policy has never much honored such scruples. At best, the immigrant experience has been messy, unfair and sometimes manically ad hoc. It’s worth noting, however, that it has also been one of the great successes in the history of nations, the benefits of which grow more pronounced in a more global economy.

The estimated 11 million undocumented immigrants in the U.S. constitute sensate facts on the ground. The real-world options for dealing with them come down to three: Deport them, legalize them (with or without a path to citizenship) or do nothing about them.

Both sides of the debate say they detest the status quo, which allows undocumented immigrants to stay but marginalizes them socially, politically and economically. What about deportation? President Barack Obama has already deported a record number of undocumented immigrants, with little to show for it except family devastation.

That leaves some form of legalization or citizenship. Critics worry the U.S. is unprepared to absorb so many newcomers, who typically have limited educations and work for low wages in unskilled jobs. Working- and middle-class Americans are under duress from declining or stagnant wages. Social Security and Medicare will soon shoulder the full brunt of baby-boomer retirements. Will millions of legal immigrants overwhelm an already strained social safety net?

Poverty and meager education have been recurring features of American immigrants. Yet each successive wave has overcome its disadvantages. To bet against the rise of the newest immigrants is to bet against the fierce ambition that propelled them here, against the adaptability of American capitalism, against the endurance of the American dream. Tough times or no, such pessimism is unjustified.

Indeed, perhaps the most important goal of immigration reform is freeing immigrants to invest in themselves and their children, and freeing businesses to invest in their workers. The best way to accomplish this is through citizenship.

Citizenship, however, seems more than a divided Republican conference can bear. That leaves legalization as the goal, putting the children of undocumented workers on a fast track to citizenship and everyone else somewhere on a path less certain than citizenship yet more secure than limbo.

The institutionalization of a second class of residents who don’t have political rights is far from ideal. However, provided the ultimate legal hoops are not too onerous, and legalization is not directly tied to the government’s success in meeting enforcement targets for which no immigrant can be held accountable, it’s a compromise worth making.

Many immigrants-rights groups have already signaled they would accept it. So should House Republicans — and labor leaders, who are already starting to grumble about the possibility of legalization instead of citizenship. “Legal resident” is a less honorable designation than “citizen,” but it is decidedly better than “undocumented worker” or “illegal alien.”

Swerving Path to Citizenship

To contact the editor responsible for this article: David Shipley at davidshipley@bloomberg.net.

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Immigration Detention for Teen in Leaf-Pile Deaths

A 19-year-old Oregon woman who drove an SUV into a leaf pile, accidentally killing two young girls playing in it, has been taken into federal custody and may face deportation.

U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement said on Monday that Cinthya Garcia-Cisneros is being placed in removal proceedings and will be held at a detention center in Tacoma while she awaits a bond hearing before an immigration judge.

“The immigration judge will determine whether or not Ms. Garcia-Cisneros remains in detention for the duration of her immigration case,” ICE spokesman Andrew Munoz said in a statement.

Garcia-Cisneros was sentenced to three years of probation and 250 hours of community service on Friday. A jury found the woman guilty of two counts of felony hit-and-run earlier this month.

Prosecutors said the crash on Oct. 20 in Forest Grove, 25 miles west of Portland, was an accident. But they say the teen failed to come forward after learning she might have struck the children in the leaf pile, which was on the street. Police found her the following day.

Authorities said the two girls — later identified as stepsisters, 6-year-old Anna Dieter-Eckerdt and 11-year-old Abigail Robinson — were likely concealed by the leaves and not visible to Garcia-Cisneros.

Anna died at the scene. Abigail died later at a Portland hospital.

Minutes after Garcia-Cisneros drove through the leaves on her way home, her brother returned to the scene and saw a man standing over the pile, screaming. The man spoke to him briefly.

The boy went home and told his sister she may have hit two children.

Defense attorney Ethan Levi said Garcia-Cisneros was in a state of shock and denial after learning of the children and fixated on the possibility she wasn’t the driver who struck them.

Garcia-Cisneros was brought to the U.S. from Mexico as a 4-year-old. She has temporary permission to be in the country legally under the federal Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program, meaning she has a work permit and a Social Security number.

To be eligible for the program, immigrants must prove they arrived in the United States before they turned 16, are under 31 years of age as of June 15, 2012, have been living in the country at least five years, are in school or graduated, and have not been convicted of certain crimes.

Those convicted of a felony offense and some other crimes are generally not eligible for the program.

It’s unclear whether Garcia-Cisneros may be eligible for any other immigration benefits that could lead to relief from deportation. Immigration attorney Courtney Carter, who represents the teen, was not available for a comment.

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Can A Super Bowl Soft Drink Ad Move Congress? Coke Bets On Immigration

Immigration reform is a cause with a long history, and deep and committed organizations and networks on all sides of the issue. But as the political forces continue to inch toward a comprehensive legislative package that may eventually welcome millions of new Americans out of the shadows, one iconic brand took a rare stand during the biggest sporting event of the year.

Coca-Cola’s Coca-Cola’s America, The Beautiful Super Bowl ad was among the most talked about spots of the otherwise disappointing (unless you’re a Seahawks fan) contest – and it was an ad with a clear purpose. Yet is was not in any way, explicitly political. The ad illustrated the stakes of immigration reform and took pride the impact of immigration on U.S. culture. It showed us, without lecturing us – but given the outraged reaction of anti-immigration voices, that message was clearly received.

The multicultural images and use of  languages other than English offended some. Former Republican Congressman Allen West complained: “If we cannot be proud enough as a country to sing “American the Beautiful” in English in a commercial during the Super Bowl, by a company as American as they come – doggone we are on the road to perdition. This was a truly disturbing commercial for me, what say you?” Conservative commentator Glenn Beck said: “It’s an in your face — and if you don’t like it, if you’re offended by it, then you’re a racist. If you do like it, well then you’re for immigration. That’s what it is. You’re for progress. That’s all this is — is to divide people.” And Fox News’s Todd Starnes tweeted: “Coca Cola is the official soft drink of illegals crossing the border.”

In other words, the ad was a huge success.

Coca-Cola will never tell you their advertisement (created by Wieden+Kennedy) pushed any flavor of immigration reform, or specific politics. But the company is pushing multi-culturalism as a key facet of its global brand. And it’s saying: this is who we are, this is what Coke is, and this will help us to open markets.

Screen Shot 2014-02-03 at 8.40.15 PM

 

Remarked The New Yorker’s Ian Crouch: “After hours of jingoistic and military-heavy pre-game festivities on Fox, in which the network implored viewers at home and around the world to recognize the might and greatness of America, Coke managed to evoke patriotism in just a minute, with a multilingual version of America, the Beautiful. Other companies leaned heavily on nationalistic themes this year, but this was the best of the genre. Coke is Coke, and doesn’t need to convince us about its flagship product, other than that it still exists.”

The 60-second spot featured a panorama of American Coke drinks – a fairly standard strategy. But its use of different languages, of a gay couple, of Muslim-Americans, and its emphasis on immigration was clearly progressive – and in my view, intentionally constructed to get a reaction. As Aaron Taube wrote in Business Insider, “Coca-Cola chose to celebrate the nation’s future.” The images, he wrote in naming the Coke ad the year’s best, worked in their diversity: “Over a montage of Americans of a variety of ethnicities, Coke celebrated the country’s diversity with a lovely rendition of “America the Beautiful” sung in several different languages.”

You can decide for yourself – but I would not be shocked to see immigrant rights lobbyists (and social entrepreneurs working on the issue) using this commercial as part of a push on Capitol Hill. It’s a cause video made by a major American brand.

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Immigration agent allegedly demanded egg rolls for citizenship

Mai Nhu Nguyen, an Irvine resident, allegedly took thousands of dollars from three applicants seeking citizenship or lawful permanent resident status, authorities contend.

The U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services employee was indicted last summer has been ordered to stand trial in June at U.S. District Court in Santa Ana.

Authorities arrested Nguyen, 47, last June after she allegedly accepted a $2,200 bribe from an immigrant awaiting citizenship.

Nguyen initially asked the woman for $3,000, noting that her application was very “complex,” but the woman was about to return to Vietnam and didn’t have enough cash, according to investigators.

After her trip, she allegedly met up with Nguyen and handed over the payment.

An earlier criminal complaint said that the defendant solicited and accepted other bribes in 2011, including $1,000 from a woman hoping for a green card.

In that case, Nguyen ordered the applicant to go to Quang Minh market in Little Saigon and buy a fish sauce package and insert the money inside it, promising to meet the applicant at the checkout.

The woman did as she was directed, and as she walked out of the grocery store, Nguyen greeted her, said “it’s me,” took the bag and drove away in a green minivan, according to the complaint.

In another instance, Nguyen called a vendor to order 300 egg rolls, asking an applicant to pick up and pay for the the $150 food order and deliver it to her  workplace, according to the complaint.

Nguyen later approved the immigrant’s paperwork, the complaint says.

Nguyen has worked at the USCIS office in Santa Ana for nearly eight years, tasked with the power to approve or decline applications for immigration benefits.

The charges against her resulted from a joint investigation by the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security. Each count of bribery by a public official carries a maximum penalty of 15 years in federal prison.

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Immigration Advocates Are Split

Marchers with the Fair Immigration Reform Movement and its Keeping Families Together: Youth in Action campaign march past the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on, Nov. 14, 2013.


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Marchers with the Fair Immigration Reform Movement and its Keeping Families Together: Youth in Action campaign march past the U.S. Capitol in Washington, D.C., on, Nov. 14, 2013.

Reformers have spent months waiting for House Republicans to lay out a plan to rewrite U.S. immigration law. Now that the GOP has finally made its move, they can’t agree what to make of it.

The blueprint released Thursday is “a game changer,” according to Tamar Jacoby, president of the pro-reform business coalition ImmigrationWorks USA. Or perhaps it’s “a joke,” as Richard Trumka, president of the AFL-CIO, told the Washington Post. “It’s a hoax is what it is. It’s like fool’s gold.”

Reform advocates, who pored over the GOP’s 800-word “standards for immigration reform” with the fervor of NSA code breakers, came away divided about whether it represents a genuine effort to untangle one of the knottiest policy problems facing Congress. The divergent reactions proved that the immigration movement is no more a monolith than the famously fractious House Republican conference.

“It’s like a piece of modern art,” says Angela Kelley, vice president for immigration policy at the liberal Center for American Progress, who called the blueprint an encouraging first step. “You see what you want to see.”

The truth is it may be impossible to know yet whether the skeletal outline unveiled by House Republican leaders is a significant milestone toward a badly needed overhaul of immigration policy or a political document meant to inoculate the party at the polls.

Start with the positives. In 2012, the Republican Party nominated a presidential candidate whose immigration platform included the phrase “self-deportation.” Mitt Romney‘s anemic performance with Latinos convinced party strategists the GOP needed to soften its stance to remain competitive as the demographics of the electorate shifted. But after the Democratic-controlled Senate passed a landmark immigration bill on a strong bipartisan vote, the House GOP refused to budge. Momentum evaporated.

But things have changed. Last fall, leadership stood feckless as a band of backbenchers shut down the government. Less than four months later, the top four House Republicans stand united behind a plan that would allow millions of undocumented immigrants a path to legal status, and give “children” brought to the U.S. illegally a chance to obtain citizenship. For House Speaker John Boehner, who has preferred to let his rank-and-file dictate the direction of the conference, marching his troops into a controversial debate with the midterm elections looming was a bold choice.

“It is a good beginning,” Rep. Luis Gutierrez, an Illinois Democrat who has spearheaded immigration negotiations in the House, told reporters on a Friday afternoon conference call. “I am so delighted.”

Formal legislative language is still a long way off. Votes are “probably months out,” Oregon Rep. Greg Walden, who chairs the National Republican Congressional Committee, told reporters. As a matter of politics, the vagueness of the GOP blueprint makes sense: It is an opening volley that helps the party delay action until after congressional filing deadlines, which protects vulnerable members from primary challenges.

But after months of waiting, the lack of detail irked many reformers. There was little, if anything, in the one-page document that one Republican or another has not said before. The House GOP still refuses to produce a comprehensive bill or to enter into negotiations with the Senate. It appears to reject a pathway to citizenship for many of the 11 million undocumented immigrants currently living in the U.S., a long-held goal of activists and Democrats. When it comes to reworking the legal immigration system, it leaves critical figures blank, such as the number of low-skilled workers eligible for green cards and the number of high-tech workers who can receive special visas. And it declares that any concessions to Democrats will be contingent on meeting undefined border security and interior-enforcement metrics.

“Is it heartening? Yes, it is,” says Jose Antonio Vargas, a undocumented immigrant and former journalist who founded the advocacy group Define American. “But it also leaves a whole lot to be desired.”

Perhaps most vexing to reform advocates is the final sentence of the GOP’s blueprint, which states that no steps toward legalization can be taken “before specific enforcement triggers have been implemented to fulfill our promise to the American people” that immigration laws will be enforced. The document doesn’t say what those triggers should be. But the caveat is a nod to the atmosphere of distrust that pervades the process.

The “majority view” among House Republicans, says Florida GOP Rep. Mario Diaz-Balart, is that Republicans should tackle the immigration issue, though he acknowledged the faction that opposes doing so and another that remains leery of the political risk involved. “But there is a great distrust on behalf of the Republicans in the House toward this Administration,” says Diaz-Balart, who supports reform. The upshot is Republicans will insist on “airtight” language, Diaz-Balart said, to force President Barack Obama to enforce the law. The goal, immigration-reform advocates believe, is to block Obama from easing the flow of deportations—the single most pressing concern for immigration-reform advocates.

For Latinos, there is a bitter irony to the conservative mantra that Obama can’t be trusted to carry out immigration law. They argue Obama has been draconian, not lenient. The numbers bear this out: The Obama administration has deported nearly two million undocumented immigrants—the highest rate of any presidency, and more than George Washington through Bill Clinton combined. “The number one priority of Latinos is to stop the deportations,” says Roberto Lovato, co-founder of the Latino advocacy group Presente.org. “It’s a first and fundamental step. The immigration system is broken because it destroys immigrant families.”

Obama indicated Friday that he would be open to an immigration deal that does not include a pathway to citizenship, if other Democratic goals were met in the process. “If the speaker proposes something that says, right away, folks aren’t being deported, families aren’t being separated, we’re able to attract top young students to provide the skills or start businesses here and then there’s a regular process of citizenship, I’m not sure how wide the divide ends up being,” Obama told CNN. But the GOP’s security-first approach would seem to nix that possibility.

That’s why some immigration-reform advocates, like the AFL-CIO, are so frustrated by the document, which seems to reject both citizenship and the cessation of deportations. Others, like Kelley and Gutierrez, parsed the the wording differently; to them, rejecting a “special path” to citizenship doesn’t mean that current law can’t be adjusted to clear an existing path.

“We have a responsibility to see what the specifics are, to put some meat on those bones,” Gutierrez says. “There is going to be a lot of work that needs to get done, and a lot of negotiation that needs to get done. But you know something? We now have a platform to get to work.”

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Immigration Advocates Are Split
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